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Taiwan’s accession to the United Nations has once again aroused controversy
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4 weeks agoon
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Article/Blessing CALD Editorial;Photo/Internet
Fifty years ago, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) replaced the Republic of China (ROC) as China’s representative in the United Nations (UN) in accordance with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758. More than half a century after it was issued, this resolution, which involves the status of China and Taiwan in the United Nations, has once again become the focus of world public opinion.
What is this resolution? Let’s read its text first.
UN Resolution 2758 THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
Recalling the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
Considering the restoration of the lawful rights of the People’s Republic of China is essential both for the protection of the Charter of the United Nations and for the cause that the United Nations must serve under the Charter.
Recognizing that the representatives of the Government of the People’s Republic of China are the only lawful representatives of China to the United Nations and that the People’s Republic of China is one of the five permanent members of the Security Council.
Decides to restore all its rights to the People’s Republic of China and to recognize the representatives of its Government as the only legitimate representatives of China to the United Nations, and to expel forthwith the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek from the place which they unlawfully occupy at the United Nations and in all the organizations related to it.
Recalling the principles of the Charter of the United Nations
Considering that the restoration of the legitimate rights of the People’s Republic of China is indispensable for the preservation of the Charter of the United Nations and for the causes which the United Nations organizations are called upon to pursue in accordance with that Charter
Recognizing that the representatives of the Government of the People’s Republic of China are the only legitimate representatives of China to the United Nations Organization and that the People’s Republic of China is one of the five permanent members of the Security Council
DECIDES: To restore all the rights of the People’s Republic of China, to recognize the representatives of her Government as the only lawful representatives of China to the United Nations Organization and to expel forthwith the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek from the seat which they unlawfully occupy in the United Nations Organization and in all the agencies of the Organization to which they belong.
October 25, 1971
Whose seat is it?
The Republic of China (ROC) was one of the five permanent members of the Security Council when the Charter of the United Nations was adopted by representatives of 46 nations meeting in San Francisco, U.S.A., in 1945, and on October 1, 1949, the Communist Party of China (CPC), which had won the Communist Civil War, established the People’s Republic of China (PRC) to fight against the Republic of China (ROC) which had retreated to Taiwan. After a period of time, the military forces of the People’s Republic of China were unable to land on Taiwan and gain control of the island. Under the rule of Chiang Kai-shek of the R.O.C., Taiwan could no longer maintain its control over the mainland, although it claimed to be “counterattacking the mainland”. As a result, the “two Chinas” were formed and the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) then tried in various ways to obtain the “China” seat in the United Nations held by the ROC government.
As the Sino-Soviet relationship broke down and a serious armed conflict broke out on the border, the “Jumbo Island Incident” provided a basis for negotiation between China and the U.S. In 1971, U.S. Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs, Kissinger, made a secret visit to China; meanwhile, U.S. envoy, Robert Murphy, traveled to Taiwan to discuss with Chiang Kai-shek about the “dual representation” at the United Nations, and Chiang secretly said that he would be able to work with the People’s Republic of China (R.O.C.) on the condition that it retained a seat at the R.O.C.’s Security Council. Chiang secretly indicated that under the condition of retaining the seat of the ROC in the Security Council, the ROC could exist in the United Nations together with the People’s Republic of China. On July 15 of the same year, Albania, Algeria and other countries submitted a draft resolution to the United Nations, the “Two Arabian Proposals”, which was later called Resolution 2758 and passed.
The U.S. attempted to allow the ROC to retain its seat in the United Nations on the basis of the “two-Arab proposal” by formally submitting a proposal on “dual representation” to the United Nations Secretary General, which was severely opposed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China. The U.S. government also refused to commit itself to Taiwan’s demand that “the U.S. government will honor its commitment to guarantee the seat of the ROC since the Kennedy and Johnson administrations”. After the R.O.C. delegation had exhausted all means of blocking the resolution on the “two Arab states” proposal, Zhou Shucai (Minister of Foreign Affairs) of the R.O.C. delegation declared, “Because of the irrational sentiments and programs prevailing at the United Nations, the delegation of the R.O.C. will no longer take part in any United Nations meetings from now on. The beliefs of the founding of the United Nations have been betrayed”, and led all members of the delegation out of the meeting.
On October 25, the General Assembly of the United Nations passed draft resolution A/L.630 and its addenda 1 and 2 on “Restoration of the lawful rights of the People’s Republic of China in the United Nations”, which was jointly proposed by Albania, Algeria and 23 other countries, with 76 votes in favor, 35 votes against and 17 abstentions. According to the Charter of the United Nations and the Rules of Procedure of the General Assembly of the United Nations, this proposal became an official resolution of the General Assembly of the United Nations immediately after its adoption. Since then, the People’s Republic of China became the sole legal representative of the United Nations, while the Republic of China government under the leadership of the Kuomintang lost its right of representation.
It can be said that when the United Nations was founded, the People’s Republic of China did not exist, and the United Nations was founded by the Republic of China, which governed the mainland at that time. However, when the United Nations was founded on October 24, 1945, the ROC did not rule Taiwan Island, but on the next day, October 25, the Japanese soldiers on Taiwan Island surrendered to the ROC. In other words, the ROC formally took over the administration of Taiwan Island from Japan after the Second World War. Until today, the ROC is still governing Taiwan Island. In other words, the People’s Republic of China has never exercised its right to govern Taiwan Island. Obviously, UN Resolution 2578 discusses the rights and interests of the People’s Republic of China in the United Nations, rather than making a judgment on the sovereignty of Taiwan Island. It is not the content of this resolution to draw a conclusion about the sovereignty of Taiwan, and this is precisely why this resolution has once again become the center of attention in the world today.
Taiwan’s Accession to the United Nations Surpasses Previous Years
Since the passage of United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2758, Taiwan’s international status and its seat in the United Nations has been a hot topic from time to time over the past half-century, especially this year. Civil society organizations and New York’s overseas Chinese community held a march for Taiwan’s accession to the United Nations in downtown New York City, which attracted many young Taiwanese and international students to join, with more than 500 people taking part, making the march more powerful than in previous years. This year’s highlight was the High Level Delegates’ General Debate held on the 24th, the theme of which was “Leaving No One Behind: Working Together to Promote Peace, Sustainable Development and Human Dignity for Current and Future Generations”.
Although the Chinese government has repeatedly stated that UN Resolution 2758 cannot be misinterpreted or challenged, there has been a significant shift in the international community’s support for Taiwan’s membership in the United Nations. The U.S. government, Europe, and Japan all support Taiwan’s participation in the relevant United Nations organizations, and last month the Australian Senate even passed a motion emphasizing that Resolution 2758 does not recognize the People’s Republic of China’s sovereignty over Taiwan, and that even though China does not like this development, the 23 million people of Taiwan enjoy the same basic human rights that are enjoyed by all the people of the world. Immediately afterwards, the House of Representatives of the Dutch Parliament also passed a motion with an “overwhelming vote” stating that UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 does not determine China’s sovereignty over Taiwan, nor does it exclude Taiwan’s participation in the United Nations or other international organizations, and that it considers that China has distorted the resolution and blocked Taiwan’s international participation. The motion reiterates that Taiwan’s participation in international organizations such as the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) and the World Health Organization (WHO) is in the interests of the Netherlands.
It is also important to note that, in addition to the Netherlands, other European countries such as the Czech Republic and Lithuania have already shown their support for Taiwan, and these countries may follow the Netherlands in pushing for more similar pro-Taiwan motions in the future. As the U.S. becomes more and more assertive on the Taiwan issue, European countries may show more support for Taiwan out of diplomatic consistency with the United States. However, not all countries will follow this trend, as many are still dependent on China’s market and economic cooperation and do not want to offend China on the Taiwan issue. Therefore, although the Congressional Taiwan Friendship Motion has had a positive impact on some countries, it is still challenging to create a large-scale supportive action for Taiwan on a global scale.
In addition, after the motion was passed in the Dutch parliament, some Taiwanese people said that the relevant messages were suspected to be restricted by Facebook. Eugene Du, founder of Taiwan AI Labs, a nonprofit organization that uses technology tools to study information warfare, told BBC Chinese that he used an online issue voice measurement tool and found that news of the Dutch parliament’s discussion of Resolution 2758 was widely reported in the Taiwanese media but rarely seen on Facebook, and that he could not be sure of the reason for this, but believed the ratio to be grossly disproportionate. independently verify the veracity of this claim and has made enquiries with the public relations department of Meta, the parent company of Facebook, and had not received a response by press time.
Can’t be shut out again
A few days ago, the Permanent Representatives of Taiwan’s nine diplomatic states to the United Nations sent a joint letter to UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres calling on the UN to accept Taiwan, refuting China’s misinterpretation and misapplication of UN Resolution 2758 over the years, and stating outright that the matter “jeopardizes the status quo in the Taiwan Strait as well as the peace and stability of the Indo-Pacific region”. The nine countries that signed the letter are Belize, Swaziland, Guatemala, Marshall Islands, Palau, Tuvalu, St. Kitts and Nevis, St. Lucia, St. Vincent and the Grenadines.
Last week, Taiwan, the United States, Japan, Australia and Canada co-organized the International Symposium on “Global Cooperation and Training Framework – Promoting Sustainable Development through Global Partnerships and Youth Participation in the Use of Science and Technology” in New York. According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA), the symposium was attended by government officials and experts from more than 10 countries, effectively demonstrating that Taiwan is an indispensable partner in realizing the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Ironically, while the theme of this year’s UN General Assembly emphasizes “leaving no one behind,” the UN has allowed China to distort UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to exclude Taiwan’s 23.5 million people, which is really unfair and unjust. It is also ridiculous that Taiwan, which produces more than 90% of the world’s advanced chips, was excluded from the “Future Summit” organized by the UN this year to discuss how the world can cooperate in the use of science and technology to enhance the well-being of future generations.
In the dispute over China’s representation in the United Nations General Assembly half a century ago, the focus of the controversy was only on who is the legitimate central government of China, and never on whether or not Taiwan is a part of China. When Albania brought up the case, they did not mention Taiwan only because they thought that “Taiwan is part of China” is beyond doubt, so of course they did not need to mention it. However, this resolution does not mean that Taiwan was excluded from the UNGA. If we seriously study the UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 adopted in 1971, we cannot ignore its temporal and spatial background. The resolution only decided the issue of China’s representation in the United Nations, but did not authorize the People’s Republic of China to represent the people of Taiwan in the United Nations system.
For more than half a century, all aspects of Taiwanese society have been promoting Taiwan’s participation in other international organizations such as the World Health Organization and the United Nations. In recent years, the international situation has become more chaotic, and China’s strong rise has added intangible political pressure on the United Nations. However, as the confrontation between democracy and authoritarianism becomes more and more intense, and as the international community’s support for Taiwan grows, Taiwan’s will to promote meaningful participation in the United Nations has become stronger.
However, politics is based on reality, not theory. The estrangement of Taiwan from the rest of the world brought about by UN Resolution 2578 for more than 50 years will be changed by the change of geopolitical reality, and it is expected that there will be further changes in the future.
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I’m an Indigenous Chinese Australian! (Part 1)
This year marks my 30th year living in Australia. Through writing, volunteering, and social dancing, I’ve made countless friends from all walks of life: Australians, Europeans, Japanese, Koreans, Vietnamese, Filipinos, Malaysians, North Americans, Indians, New Zealanders, and even South Africans. I’ve had great teachers, good friends, bad influences too, all from across the globe. Life has been vibrant, interesting, and long. However, I regret that not one of my friends is an Indigenous Australian, and I know very little about Indigenous communities, their culture, and traditions. This regret often leaves me feeling empty, as though something is missing. Over the years, I’ve only met two Indigenous women: one was a friend’s girlfriend whose grandmother was Indigenous, but she was fair-skinned with delicate features, and there was no outward sign of her Indigenous heritage. The second was Professor Marcia Langton AO, a professor at the University of Melbourne. I first saw her in 2008 when I interviewed the famous Australian painter Zhou Xiaoping (see my article “In Search of Dreams in the Indigenous Dreaming World” in Issue 85 of Sameway). I met her again at a Lunar New Year banquet at Zhou’s house the same year. In 2012, at the screening of a film about Zhou Xiaoping (see my article “Ink and Ochre” in Issue 314 of Sameway), I met Professor Langton again, but both times, I missed the chance to speak with her. In recent years, this sense of loss and regret has grown stronger, eventually prompting me to begin a quest to learn more about the First Nations of Australia.
Indigenous Australians, a term that refers collectively to Aboriginal Australians and Torres Strait Islanders, are the descendants of the original inhabitants of Australia before European colonization. The term “Indigenous Australians” is a broad one, encompassing many different groups with significant distinctions between them. They may not share close connections or common origins, with each community having its own unique culture, customs, and language. It’s estimated that when Europeans first arrived, there were around 250 Indigenous languages. Now, only about 120 to 145 languages remain, most of which are endangered, with only 13 considered secure. Most modern Indigenous Australians speak English that is influenced by Indigenous vocabulary, pronunciation, and grammatical structures, a form known as Aboriginal English. Estimates of the population at the time of European settlement vary, with some suggesting between 318,000 and 1,000,000 people. They mainly lived in the southeast, which mirrors today’s population distribution. The current Indigenous population is 798,365, with 73% identifying as Christians, 24% having no religion, and 1% adhering to traditional Indigenous beliefs. There is no academic consensus on the relationship between the first inhabitants of the Australian continent and modern Indigenous Australians. However, most scholars agree that the earliest human remains found in Australia date back between 64,000 and 75,000 years, making them descendants of the earliest groups to leave Africa for Asia. Since 1995, the Aboriginal flag—red and black with a yellow sun—and the Torres Strait Islander flag—blue and green with a headdress symbol—have been recognized as official national flags in Australia. (Note 1)
Last week, through a friend’s introduction, I had the opportunity to learn more about Indigenous culture via several Australian television programs. The stories I’ll share here are based on ABC broadcasts (May 2020).
The Aboriginal Chinese Doll
I’m Brenda, an Elder of the Bidjara-Wakka Wakka nations. At 68 years old, I’ve always been curious about Chinese culture. Why? Because my grandmother used to call me “Chinese Doll.” I found the answer when I was four years old. It was the first time I discovered that I had Chinese ancestry. One day, while playing with other kids, I asked my grandmother, “Why do you call me Chinese Doll?” She told us that we were descendants of Chinese people. We continued asking, and she explained that my great-great-grandfather was Chinese. I grew up in Gayndah, a small town about 350 kilometres north of Brisbane, where my mother’s family are the traditional custodians of Wakka Wakka Country. Apart from that conversation with my grandmother, Lucky Law, and the taste of the fried noodles my mother May used to make, I knew very little about my Chinese roots, and even less about my mysterious Chinese great-great-grandfather. I couldn’t learn much from Lucky, as marriages like hers were seldom discussed back then. I only asked that day out of curiosity, but that curiosity has stayed with me, leaving a big gap in my life.
The First Generation of Chinese Shepherds
I’ve worked as a part-time teacher at a public school in Queensland for nearly a decade. A few years ago, I started exploring my family history in my spare time. My family tree reveals that one branch can be traced back to my great-great-grandfather John Law. He arrived in Australia around 1842 as a shepherd from Xiamen. He worked in the Gayndah region, where he apparently met my great-great-grandmother, and they married. It turns out I’m about one-fourteenth Chinese. In the 1840s, around 3,000 Chinese labourers, mainly men and boys, were transported from Xiamen to Australia to work as shepherds, spreading across modern-day Victoria, New South Wales, and Queensland. Dr. Maxine Darnell has been tracing the history of these shepherds, who were brought under five-year contracts and worked under harsh conditions as part of the first organized wave of Chinese labour to Australia. They helped meet the labour shortage after convict transportation to Australia ceased in the 1840s, before the influx of Chinese gold seekers in the 1850s and 1860s. As contract labourers, they were bound to their employers, unable to freely leave for the goldfields like many free workers. While little is known about the reasons behind their migration, it coincided with China’s recovery from the Opium War, when the lure of a better life must have been appealing. The story of labourers seeking a better life is a timeless one.
From Hostility to Intermarriage
The interaction between Chinese and Indigenous Australians dates back at least 150 years, though much of this history remains undocumented. Dr. Sandi Robb has been researching the relationships and marriage patterns between Chinese men and Indigenous women in Queensland. According to Dr. Robb, the early relationship between the two communities was fraught with “hostility and fear.” From the Indigenous perspective, the Chinese were unfamiliar people, different in appearance and dress, trespassing on their land without permission, thereby violating Indigenous law. However, over time, Indigenous marriage customs began to break down, and instances of intermarriage with other ethnic groups appeared. By 1890, Indigenous women were often left with no choice but to marry outside their communities due to the loss of traditional marriage partners, often due to violence. Both the Indigenous and Chinese were marginalized and looked down upon by white settlers. John Law was one of the few Chinese shepherds who married an Indigenous woman. Their daughter, Kate Law, married Chinese shepherd James Coy in 1877, and they had 11 children, including my grandmother, Lucky Law.
Indigenous people and Chinese workers formed friendships and connections that bridged their worlds. Both groups faced discrimination, and like today, that prejudice still affects both Indigenous Australians and Chinese. I believe that both groups learned much from each other, including cultural practices and agricultural knowledge related to land and cattle. In Gayndah, there were also orchards and citrus groves. In 2019, the Queensland government recognized the contributions of Chinese shepherds in irrigation and crop production in the Darling Downs region.
The Quest for Chinese Roots
My journey to trace my family history would have been much more difficult without the help of a Chinese friend. In 2018, I met a young Chinese man named Xianyang Tang on Facebook, and we quickly became friends. Over the past two years, with his help, I’ve uncovered many unknown aspects of my family history. Xianyang knew how deeply I wanted to find at least one relative and learn more about my great-great-grandfather’s origins, so he helped connect me with the Luo clan in Xiamen and local Chinese people. However, the search hit a roadblock when we couldn’t confirm which branch of the Luo family my ancestor belonged to, possibly due to the destruction of Luo family records during the Cultural Revolution. Xianyang was moved by my determination to uncover my roots and volunteered to help me. He visited me during my illness and even bought shoes and hats for my children. To me, he’s like family. He believes that my ancestors came from the Luo clan in Xiamen, but the search continues.
I’ve always felt proud of my identity. I have a large family descended from John Law, and none of us has ever denied our Chinese heritage. My dream is to visit China, especially Xiamen, to see it for myself and imagine the footsteps of my great-great-grandfather. While I know a lot about Indigenous culture, I’m part of two cultures, and I’ve decided to explore that other half.
Since the 19th century, Chinese and Indigenous Australians have walked side by side with untold stories!
Hi, I am a Chinese Aborigine in Australia! (II)
Recently, I had the pleasure of meeting CityMag and Ngarrindjeri (multidisciplinary) artist Damien Shen on the program to talk about his upbringing and what it means to be Aboriginal and Chinese.
Yellah Fellah: The Yellow-Skinned Family Man
Yellah Fellah is a colloquialism, an Australian term for yellow people. I, Damien Shen, am what Australians call Yellah Fellah, the yellow-skinned guy. However, my Aboriginal and Chinese backgrounds are deeply connected, and my Chinese heritage played an important role in my childhood. I am not sure where I would be today without the benefit of my Chinese heritage. My father was born in Hong Kong but was sent to boarding school in Adelaide. My grandparents thought the Communists would soon take over Hong Kong, so my father’s sister was sent elsewhere and then he was sent to Australia. I was born in Adelaide and my grandparents, who lived next door, were important people in my childhood. I think as I got older I appreciated more the Chinese side of things, that they were able to build up such structures, things that happened in my father’s life and so on. My Chinese grandmother felt it was her duty to keep order in the home – breakfast would be brought out at a certain time and dinner was always at 6pm. Grandparents provide a safe structure for children to live in. Although proud of my Chinese heritage, I admit that growing up in Australia with undeniable racism against Asians was challenging. I don’t speak Chinese because when my father came here, there was a lot of racism, so he was like, “No, you’re speaking English.” He wouldn’t encourage us to speak Chinese. At home he spoke Cantonese, and my grandparents spoke Cantonese, Mandarin and Shanghainese, and then they would go around the table and speak English to us. I recall my first job at a Chinese restaurant, where it was harder to fit in because I didn’t know the Chinese language. I was perceived as someone with long hair who didn’t speak Chinese, which was almost a bit of a novelty to the Chinese. I was there, but never really connected with the Chinese.
My mother’s Ngarrindjeri ethnicity, my Aboriginal heritage, was also crucial to my childhood. Growing up, I always knew I was part of an Aboriginal community and had many Aboriginal cousins with whom I spent a lot of time. One of those family members was Uncle Moogy. Moogy, who everybody knows – he’s my mom’s brother, so he’s actually my real uncle, and I grew up with him. There were always a lot of children in his house and we always spent the night there, so it was always very fun and memorable and I’m still very close to him. Although I now appreciate my Aboriginal and Chinese heritage, there are still struggles, especially at a young age. When I was in about 10th grade, I encountered a lot of racism in terms of being Asian or Aboriginal – basically, “they” had two ways of dealing with me. Then I changed schools and things changed immediately because I went to a very multicultural school. Suddenly, I didn’t have that pressure to ‘stand out’. It wasn’t until I was older that I started researching my Aboriginal heritage. As you get older, you start to think more about genealogy, history and things like that. …… It’s so fascinating when you look at what it means to be an Aboriginal person with family ties from a genealogical perspective. Anyone you meet, you call each other by name, but you’re not quite sure how far apart we are – are we really cousins? Then, on the other hand, you see what being Aboriginal means politically, historically, what happened to the Ngarrindjeri people, so part of my work deals with that. I looked back at my own life in two different contexts and felt blessed. I was lucky to be able to experience it through two lenses: dual identity, or dual background – it’s an interesting thing. As I’ve experienced, you don’t always fit into the Aboriginal community environment, especially when I was young, I felt that. As I’ve gotten older, I’ve gotten to know more Asian Aboriginal people, and we all look the same.
Yellah Fellah for OzAsia explores storytelling through an Indigenous Asian lens.
Yellah Fellah for OzAsia, an art exhibition curated by Catherine Croll, is on display at the Adelaide Festival Centre in 2023. This fascinating and inspiring exhibition featured the work of four different artists with Asian and Aboriginal traditions. I am exhibiting my own work alongside Gary Lee, Caroline Oakley and Jason Wing to show our personal interpretations of our backgrounds through the art form, which is essentially a gathering of many artists with Asian and Aboriginal traditions. For me, it’s Chinese and Aboriginal, and I think the artists will be proud of this mix of hybrids. I don’t speak for any other artist. …… Having a Chinese and Aboriginal heritage is something I’ve always been extremely proud of. You don’t see as much Aboriginal Chinese in South Australia as you do in the north of Darwin, there’s more of a mix of Asian Aboriginal cultures, but I’ve felt it’s quite unique here for a while now, so that’s cool. Curator Catherine says Asian-Australian relations began centuries before the European colonization of Australia, when Aboriginal people in the Northern Territory began to build a sea cucumber trading network with Malaysia and then on to China. I created a pewter skull fragment at an anatomy lab in Virginia entitled Life Behind the Pen, which is a history of the theft of human remains – many of the Ngarrindjeri people’s remains were stolen and shipped overseas. Uncle Moogy had a huge influence on a large group of Aboriginal leaders who travelled abroad to find these remains and repatriate them to Australia. My work here embodies that idea, and the photographs that Uncle Moogy and I have deliberately taken in this ethnographic way are like a real classic style of documenting things at a certain point in time, kind of like a drama of that history. The artwork called “Portraits” was a personal favorite of City Magazine, black and white portraits of my grandparents, sisters and uncles. Then I was inspired to organize a painting workshop with an American, and I thought, I don’t mind documenting all the stories around my mom. And then on the other hand, I’m going to document my Chinese grandparents and my sister as part of this series, linking the Chinese and Australian Aboriginal elements.
Chinese Aboriginal Women Writers
Not long ago, I saw some exciting news on SBS Chinese TV: Ms. Alexis Wright, a Chinese Aboriginal woman, won $60,000 and the Stella Prize for non-binary writers this year for her novel Praiseworthy, which beat out 227 entries. 2018 is the year that she writes about Aboriginal chiefs. In 2018, her collective memoir of Aboriginal chiefs, Tracker, also won the Stella Prize, making her the first author to win the award twice. She also won the Miles Franklin Award, Australia’s highest literary prize, for Carpentaria. Described by the New York Times as “the most ambitious and accomplished Australian novel of the century”, the 700-page book has been described as a great book in many ways, telling the story of the John Howard. Howard government’s 2007 military intervention in a Northern Territory community, the story of a small town whose inhabitants have been struck by a haze, and the story of the Aboriginal people who have been forced to live with the government’s military intervention in their community. This is a story of Aboriginal ancestry and ecological disaster. The characters’ reactions to the situation are allegorical, ranging from the comic to the tragic: one man devises a plan to replace Qantas with five million donkeys across Australia, another dreams of being white and powerful, and a third, apparently named Aboriginal Sovereignty, becomes suicidal. The judges were unanimous in stating that readers would be inspired by the aesthetic and technical qualities of Worthy of Praise and struck by Wright’s staccato rhythms of satirical politics, and that the award was rightfully given to Wright.
Challenge Yourself
Wright made a commitment long ago to challenge herself in whatever she writes, and her ambition has grown over the years. She began writing this novel about ten years ago, much of it during her tenure as Boisbouvier Chair of Australian Literature at the University of Melbourne. The process required Wright to pause and restart many times as she tried to evoke the slow pulse of central and northern Australia, to capture the scale of the period and the immense difficulties of the time, to challenge the reader’s indifference and to try to replace it with a deeper understanding. In an interview with the Australian Associated Press AAP, Wright pointed out that there is no harm in exercising the brain through the reading of good books. People are happy to go to the gym for a good physical workout, and there is no harm in a good workout for the mind.
Chinese Great-Grandfather & Native Great-Grandmother
“I come from one of the greatest storytelling worlds,” Wright said at the Stella Prize ceremony, “We are a culture of storytelling. Some of the most important, richest and longest-running epical law stories belong to the indigenous cultures of this land.” Wright, 73, is of Chinese descent. His great-grandfather came from Kaiping, Guangdong Province, to make a living in the Gulf of Carpentaria, a remote region in northern Australia, following the gold rush of the 19th century, and later married his Waanyi Aboriginal great-grandmother. Wright was invited to Shanghai for Australian Writers’ Week in 2018 and revealed in a media interview, “My great-grandfather was Chinese, but I don’t know him or the exact location of his hometown. I think it was somewhere in Kaiping, Guangdong. In the 19th century in Kaiping, a lot of Chinese people left their hometowns and went to the United States, Canada and other places to look for gold. Great-grandfather brought a lot of knowledge about China to the Gulf of Carpentaria, and he taught community members about irrigation and farming and growing vegetables.” She made a trip to Guangdong in 2017 to search for her roots, but unfortunately was unable to find any trace of her great-grandfather, after all, it was too long ago. Her books are available in Chinese translation, including the Franklin Award-winning Carpentaria and the full-length novel The Swan Book.
Bridging the Gaps in Australian History
During an unusual trip to the Northern Territory in 1988, renowned Australian painter Zhou Xiaoping was rescued by three Aboriginal teenagers when he was lost on a vast sandbar, which initiated his intense interest in Aboriginal culture and profoundly influenced his subsequent works, making Aboriginal people the only protagonists of his paintings. Through understanding, respect, and sincerity, he broke the barrier and formed decades of friendship with the Aborigines, making friends with Jimmy Chi, a Chinese Aboriginal musician, and Peter Yu, a professor. (See my articles “Seeking Dreams in the Aboriginal Dream World”, “Ink and Ochre”, and “Exploring Aboriginal History of Chinese Descent” in the 85th, 314th, and 665th issues of The Wayfarer) In 2022 Mr. Zhou initiated a project, Exploring Forgotten History, which is a project to explore the history of Aborigines in China, and to explore the history of the Chinese Aborigines in the world of Aborigines in the world of Chinese culture and culture. In 2022, Mr. Zhou initiated a project entitled “Exploring Forgotten Histories” to study Aboriginal people of Chinese ancestry, the significance of which is to fill in the gaps in Australian history. In the study of Chinese history, there is a large amount of information on the Chinese gold rush, but the relationship between the Chinese and the Aboriginal people is seldom covered. Why is it that in the early gold rushes in Bendigo and Ballarat, Victoria, there were not many intermarriages between the Chinese and Aboriginal people, and why are there not many Aboriginal descendants left behind? This is an important part of our history that we are gradually forgetting. Mr. Zhou’s research and the emergence of Aunty Brenda Kanofski, Damien Shen, Alexis Wright, Jimmy Chi, Peter Yu and other Aboriginal people of Chinese ancestry are like a jigsaw puzzle, putting together a picture of the past that has rarely been talked about or forgotten, showing the rich and complex interactions between the descendants of two of the oldest civilizations in the world, the Bendigo and the Ballarat. It shows the rich and complex interactions between the descendants of two of the world’s oldest civilizations. Will all this contribute to the integration of Australia’s diverse peoples and the harmony of its cultures? We look forward to it!
Knowing, Understanding and Respecting Aboriginal Culture
As we enter the month of May, the message of “Reconciliation” has appeared frequently in the media. What is reconciliation? Why Reconciliation? How to reconcile?
According to the Oxford Dictionary, “Reconciliation” means to end a disagreement or conflict with someone and start a good relationship again. But in Australia the concept of reconciliation is not so simple. Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Australians have always tried to reconcile their differences, and Reconciliation is of great importance and significance to the nation. National Sorry Day is celebrated on 26 May each year, followed by National Reconciliation Week from 27 May to 3 June. The start and end dates of the week are historically significant, and are designed to promote the reconciliation of Australia’s Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. The week begins and ends with historically significant dates to promote reconciliation between Aboriginal, Torres Strait Islander and non-Aboriginal Australians. This year, the theme for National Reconciliation Week 2024 is ‘Now More Than Ever’, and now more than ever, we have the opportunity to think about how we can use this knowledge and these connections to create a better Australia. Let’s learn and reflect on our shared history, culture and achievements with the Aboriginal community through the presentations of SBS Chinese Aboriginal reporter Mr. Ryan Liddle and CEO of Reconciliation Australia (National Reconciliation Association Chief Executive Officer) Aboriginal Ms. Karen Mundine.
History of Reconciliation Week
Reconciliation between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Australians can be traced back to the arrival of the Englishman James Cook in 1770; it is also thought to have begun with the civil rights movement of the 1960s, and was formalized with the 1991 Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody. Finding that too many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people were incarcerated and often detained, the commission submitted a report with more than 300 recommendations to address the crisis. While many of the recommendations have yet to be adopted, the last recommendation in the report, No. 339, stands out: initiate a formal reconciliation process. The Aboriginal Reconciliation Commission Bill was passed by Parliament with the support of both the government and opposition parties, and in 2001 the Commission was replaced by a new organization, Reconciliation Australia, which is still in operation today. Before the handover, two key events marked new beginnings, signalling a promising new era. Karen Mundine said: “We’ve seen governors, territory leaders, federal governors and prime ministers from all states come together to make a commitment to the spirit of reconciliation, and what we really need to do is to build positive relationships, to make sure that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people are seen as Australians, the first Australians, and that we are the oldest continuous culture in the world, and that we celebrate this uniqueness and we are proud of it. We celebrate this uniqueness and are proud of it. Ryan Liddle said: “On this day, this week, Reconciliation Australia was born, this was our starting point, nearly a quarter of a million Australians marched on the Sydney Harbour Bridge in support of reconciliation on a freezing cold and windy morning, and it was a truly transformative moment, a moment of unprecedented support from a wide range of communities to usher in a millennium of new opportunities to join together in a common journey to improve race relations. Since then we have had many successes, launching thousands of Reconciliation Action Plans, raising awareness of Aboriginal issues amongst the general public and generally improving the overall image and status of Aboriginal people in Australia.”
The most significant moment was the government’s action on February 13, 2008, when then Prime Minister Kevin Rudd said in Parliament, “We apologize for the laws and policies of successive Parliaments and governments that have caused deep grief, pain and loss to our fellow Australians. Prime Minister Rudd apologized to the nation, and as the world watched, there were cries of relief, tears of joy and sadness, and many Australians took to the streets holding up signs that read: I’m Proud to say Sorry! This day is known as National Sorry Day in Australian history. The next big push for reconciliation came about a decade later, in late May 2017, when a citizen-led Aboriginal National Constitutional Conference, including Aboriginal leaders, academics, social activists and others from across the country, worked hard to reach a rare consensus to constitutionally authorize the creation of an Aboriginal voice in Parliament, a treaty, and the establishment of a Truth Commission. For Aboriginal people, this sovereignty is a spiritual concept that has never been ceded or extinguished, and exists alongside the authority of all levels of government.20 In October 2023, a referendum to affirm the Aboriginal and Tortugas Channel Islander National Congress failed, and Australians voted down the establishment of an Aboriginal and Tortugas Channel Islander National Congressional Voice.
Respect for Aboriginal Etiquette
Why is it important to show respect for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander ceremonies? Because an understanding of these ceremonies can affect our behaviour and our relationships with Aboriginal people. Exploring the richness of Aboriginal traditions, getting Aboriginal etiquette right and learning Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander customs are fundamental to respecting Australia’s heritage and the land we all live on. Mr. Thomas Mayo, advocate and writer for the Kaurareg, Kalkalgal & Erubamle peoples, introduced the five steps to get Aboriginal etiquette right, to reconcile and to become one.
Ⅰ. Introduce yourself appropriately
Julie Nimmo says, “When I introduce myself to other Aboriginal people and Torres Strait Islanders, it is important to say what people and family I belong to. When we talk about family, we talk about our ancestors from the past, but when we meet people from another country, we often introduce ourselves as Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander or Aboriginal Australians”. Thomas Mayo said, “I would introduce myself as both Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander because of family ties. Torres Strait Islanders are more closely related to Pacific Melanesians, and Aboriginal Australians are from the Australian continent, and we have different cultures and languages.
- Never abbreviate
Properly refer to Aboriginal people by referring to Australia’s first inhabitants through terms such as ‘Aboriginal’, ‘native’, ‘Torres Strait Islander’ and ‘land’, with the first letter of each title capitalized as a sign of respect. Never abbreviate the terms Aboriginal & Torres Strait Islander and avoid using acronyms or other pejorative terms that were used in colonial times, as this can really offend Aboriginal people. Do not use acronyms such as “ATSI”, which is an abbreviation for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander, and has historically been used as a pejorative insult to Aboriginal Australians, who are very particular about what they call themselves and can be deeply hurt by hearing offensive terminology.
III. Welcome Ceremony
Before the event begins, people participate in a traditional Welcome to Country ceremony or an Acknowledgement of Country ceremony. The two ceremonies are different. The former is a very important sacred ceremony, conducted by an Elder of the place where you are, welcoming the participants to commemorate the past, and may take the form of speeches, dances, or fireworks. The latter ceremony, which can be conducted by anyone, is an important welcome offered at important meetings. No matter where we come from, we still belong to the land, and recognizing and thanking our guardians and elders shows that we know and respect the land. In the old traditions, an Elder was a respected member of the community who had reached a certain age and had the cultural and intellectual wisdom to teach the people moral behaviour. Elders were usually referred to as “Aunty” and “Uncle” (aunt and uncle) as a sign of respect, and non-indigenous people had to first seek permission to use these titles.
- Don’t judge a person by his or her appearance
Never question or assume a person’s Aboriginal identity based on physical appearance. Many Aboriginal people are survivors of the Stolen Generation. Aboriginal children were forcibly removed from their homes between the 1910s and 1970s. Thomas Mayo said, “It is offensive to ask Aboriginal people about the percentage of their Aboriginal ancestry because the colonizers were trying to assimilate us in this country by reproducing us so that we eventually disappeared. 2008 Prime Minister Rudd apologized to the nation: ”On behalf of my government, I am sorry! On behalf of my government, I am sorry! People were criticized for the colour of their skin, this was called the assimilation policy, where a percentage of Aboriginal blood was measured so that the government could define a person as no longer Aboriginal, but now white. In fact, as long as these people have any Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander blood in them, we will consider them Aboriginal, or Torres Strait Islander, because it’s about connection to the Nation’s land, and it’s just as much about what heritage we still have”.
- Don’t be an advocate
Let’s show respect by knowing and understanding Aboriginal culture and never speaking on behalf of Aboriginal people. In order for us to move forward in a very positive and respectful relationship with each other, it is important to listen deeply, but we can also ask questions, as long as they are respectful and come from a place of genuine interest in learning. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people have a deep knowledge of the land, and by passing on their stories, protocols, ceremonies, and caring for their land – the land, the sea, the waterways, and the sky – through oral traditions, we can learn a great deal about caring for the environment.
I hope that through SBS’s detailed and heart-warming tips, Chinese Australians will recognize, understand and respect Aboriginal cultures, and think about how to contribute to the realization of reconciliation and the integration of Australia’s diverse cultures and ethnicities. After all, Chinese culture is a melting pot of thousands of years of history!
18 mins audio
Article/Blessing CALD Editorial;Photo/Internet
In recent years, China’s automotive industry has been on the rise, especially in the export of complete automobiles. A few years ago, China has consecutively surpassed Korea and Germany to become the world’s second largest car exporter, and according to foreign organizations, China has officially surpassed Japan this year to become the world’s largest exporter of automobiles.
China’s many independent brands have issued a strategy to go overseas, and closely to South America, Europe and other regions to set up the automobile export business. So, China has become an automotive powerhouse?
China’s automobile rolls to the world
As an important engine to drive the growth of automobile market sales, the number of automobile exports is a wind vane to measure the maturity of the development of a regional automobile market. In the past 2023, China’s automobile exports totaled 4.91 million units, replacing Japan as the world’s top automobile exporter for the first time. Automotive products from China have not only participated in the global industry chain, but also played a more important role in more and more markets.
China Association of Automobile Manufacturers released data at the same time show that in 2023 China’s automobile production and sales for the first time at the same time on the 30 million stage, China has become the world’s largest automobile producer, consumer countries, exporting countries. At the same time, the production and sales of new energy vehicles exceeded 9 million, ranking first in the world for nine consecutive years. Such a bright report card is enough to highlight the abundant momentum and strong vitality of China’s automobile industry. In March this year, China held two sessions, a number of car companies on behalf of the proposals and recommendations have focused on new energy, intelligence, sea and other areas.
Today’s Chinese car market is very voluminous, many products are domestic consumption ability to verify and then exported abroad, but also allows some car companies to change the previous strategy of relying on low prices to occupy the foreign market, the realization of the high-end transformation. China’s automobile overseas mode is being optimized, gradually from the early export of products in the trade mode, to a more comprehensive and complex ecological sea change, from the recent update of the overseas plans of several brands can be seen on the obvious difference. For example, Great Wall Motor has announced that it will focus on the localization of production capacity, localization of operations, brand cross-cultural and supply chain security of the new four international, research, production, supply, sales and service to go to sea comprehensively, and plans to achieve overseas sales of more than a million vehicles in 2030, high-end models accounted for more than one-third of the sales ratio. Chery Automobile also said that it will continue to cooperate with global partners in the talent chain, innovation chain, industry chain, supply chain and other value chain to develop cooperation, and global partners to build a new open and innovative ecosystem, and expand the circle of friends for win-win cooperation.
However, China’s auto market still need to think through the expansion of exports to transfer the crisis of the domestic automobile market, both in terms of time and space, are extremely uncertain. 1950s British cars, 1970s Japanese cars, 1990s Korean cars, have staged a similar drama, the end is basically the same. the mid-2000s, the experience of the Chinese automobile manufacturers have proved that The experience of Chinese automobile manufacturers in the mid-2000s has proved that relying entirely on foreign trade cannot support large-scale exports, and there are still many unknown factors.
A big automobile country is not the same as a strong automobile country
Over the past few years, China has seen the new energy vehicle trend and has vigorously developed new energy vehicles, resulting in the rise of many new automobile enterprises. The original automobile enterprises have joined the competitive wave, coupled with China’s leading position in the battery industry, China’s new energy vehicles in the world’s automotive industry has shone. It can be said that China has made the right bet this time.
Over the past many years, China has been relying on imports and domestic assembly of foreign cars to develop the automotive industry, there are always people who think that China’s automobile will never develop, but prejudice can not keep up with the changes in technology and reality, China is actually going to become the world’s largest exporter of automobiles, which is worthy of the Chinese people to be proud of a thing. However, the number of automobiles exported from China is not a condition for being a strong automobile country.
Just as China has the world’s largest sales volume in many industries, it has not become the world’s strongest industrial country. Take cell phones for example, China has the world’s most complete cell phone industrial chain, the highest sales volume, the most sales list of cell phone brands. However, China’s cell phones rely heavily on foreign components and systems, and even Huawei is unable to produce 5G phones under U.S. sanctions. China’s automobile industry is also similar to the cell phone industry, although China has solved a large number of automobile parts, but times are always changing. New technology gives the car more technological content, which also means that there is a need for more technological parts, and these are currently imported by China in large quantities, under these circumstances that China is already a car power and a little early.
There are still a lot of conditions necessary to become an automotive powerhouse. Once automotive powerhouses, such as the United States, Japan, Germany, Korea, in addition to research and development of automobiles, but also in all aspects of the automobile are heavily invested, such as pre-sales service, after-sales service, and China has a greater room for improvement in these areas. Become the largest exporter of automobiles, enough to prove that China’s automobile progress, but the future of China’s development of strong automobile enterprises to the world, to become an automobile power, there is still time. In particular, it is necessary to enhance the ability of independent innovation and establish a strong domestic market to ensure the long-term stability and sustainable progress of the industry.
Safety issues should not be underestimated
With the accelerated popularization of new energy vehicles and the increasing number of ownership, safety issues have become a major concern, especially the spontaneous combustion of new energy vehicles. The safety factor of most new energy vehicle batteries on the market in China is far from adequate, and many products claim to have a safety failure rate of one part in a million, but in reality, it is only one part in ten thousand, or even one part in a thousand. According to the latest data released by the emergency management department statistics show that only in the first quarter of 2023, the spontaneous combustion rate of new energy vehicles rose by 32%, an average of 8 new energy vehicles per day fire (including spontaneous combustion).
Tesla, as a representative company of new energy vehicles, is a bright star in the car market, and its every move has received public attention. Even Tesla has been involved in accidents such as self-driving and fires, not to mention other Chinese new energy vehicle brands whose quality control is far less than that of Tesla. The quality and safety of new energy vehicles are becoming more and more concerned by the society. Currently, EVs are generally shorter in age. Whether in China or Europe and the United States, the average age of fuel vehicles is much higher than that of EVs, and there is even a lack of old vehicles that are more than 10 years old. However, the safety problems of these old cars do not seem to be too serious. In the event of a collision, new energy EVs are prone to catch fire, which is undoubtedly a major safety hazard.
In addition, spontaneous combustion of new energy vehicles is more difficult to extinguish, and its re-ignition rate is high; once a fire breaks out, it leaves less time for the owner to escape. The process of a fuel car fire is basically a slow and gradual process: first smoke, then a burning smell, the owner has time to respond to escape.
However, the spontaneous combustion of new energy vehicles is not only often without warning, but also much faster, and even difficult to leave enough time for passengers to escape. These are the hidden dangers that need to be addressed.
If safety issues are not addressed, the consequences will be “catastrophic”. Competition is important, but consumer safety standards are a red line. Safety is the core of new energy vehicle technology research and development, and only by continuously improving battery safety can we ensure the sustainable development of the new energy vehicle industry.
Charging device will be the biggest test
Early this year, China experienced extremely cold weather, resulting in many electric vehicles being stuck on the highway during long-distance trips without charging, sending out a warning about the acceptance of electric vehicles in Western societies. The rapid growth of the electric vehicle market in recent years is due to the world’s emphasis on environmental protection. However, the establishment of a charging system for long distance travel in western countries will not be completed within a short period of time, which can be said to be a limitation to the development of the EV market, and an obstacle to the sustainable development of China’s EV industry.
In some backward countries, even the highway system and the basic power supply system are still under development, and building a large number of charging devices is even more impossible, so the use of electric vehicles can only be limited to large cities. Moreover, these countries do not have the economic ability to purchase large numbers of electric vehicles, and will at best absorb hybrid vehicles in the foreseeable future. China’s development in this area is not better than other countries, so it can be said that the future development of China’s automobile market will be greatly tested in the future.
Will technological constraints be a problem?
The fastest development of automobile technology in China has been in the past, when China absorbed the technology of Western automobile manufacturing, and imported a large number of major brands of automobiles to set up factories and production in China. This strategy resulted in the emergence of a large number of automotive technicians in China, and pushed up China’s ability to produce its own cars. However, many automobile factories are now withdrawing from China due to the shrinking market, and this advantage is about to disappear.
In addition, the relationship between China and the West is tense, and the West has begun to restrict the export of technology to China, including chips, artificial intelligence and energy technology. Under these restrictions, it is not yet known how many obstacles there will be to the development of China’s electric vehicle industry.
The future is still a question mark
The continued expansion of the new energy vehicle market is undoubtedly one of the major trends in the future development of the automotive industry. As the world’s emphasis on environmental protection and sustainable development continues to grow, the market share of new energy vehicles will continue to grow. It is estimated that by 2024, global sales of new energy vehicles will exceed 20 million units, of which the contribution of the Chinese market is expected to remain at about 60%. This growth trend is due to the dual promotion of technological innovation and policy support. The improvement of battery energy density, range increase and charging facilities will further enhance the market competitiveness of new energy vehicles.
The future development of the automotive industry will be characterized by diversification, high technology and globalization. The development of new energy, intelligent Internet and autonomous driving technologies will reshape the industry pattern and promote the improvement and expansion of the industrial chain. At the same time, internationalization and industry integration will accelerate, pushing the industry to develop in a higher quality and more sustainable direction. In this era full of opportunities and challenges, automobile enterprises need to maintain the momentum of innovation and actively respond to market changes in order to be unbeatable in the future competition.
China’s automobile industry has already spread all over the world and has performed well in many markets, but it still faces some special impacts or risks. Risks include geopolitics, taxation, carbon barriers, differences in technical regulations, certification thresholds and cross-cultural integration. Not long ago, the European Union issued a notice to conduct customs registration of electric vehicles imported from China, and may impose retrospective tariffs on related vehicles in the future, while the United Kingdom and the United States are preparing to conduct counter-subsidy investigations or national security risk investigations on Chinese electric vehicles.
Especially recently, the U.S. peddled the theory of new energy overcapacity, the rise of global trade protectionism, but also to China’s new energy vehicles to the sea formed a considerable challenge. If China wants to become an automotive powerhouse, there are still many obstacles to overcome. Going out is just the first step, and it is still a long way to go to really enter overseas markets, consolidate overseas markets, and win the trust of overseas markets.
Features
Press Freedom in the Shadow of the Standing Press Case
Published
4 weeks agoon
September 17, 202416 mins audio
Article/Blessing CALD Editorial;Photo/Internet
The implementation of the National Security Law in 2020 poses an unprecedented threat to press freedom in Hong Kong, causing many media outlets to cease operation or withdraw from Hong Kong. Following the conviction of the first offence of media sedition in Hong Kong in the ‘Standing News’ case, the Hong Kong newspaper ‘Epoch Times’ recently announced that it will publish its last issue on the 17th Mid-Autumn Festival. One cannot help but ask: Is there still freedom of the press in Hong Kong?
Two editors convicted of sedition
At the end of last month, a Hong Kong court ruled that two editors of the defunct Stand News – former Editor-in-Chief Chung Pui-kuen, then Acting Editor-in-Chief Lam Siu-tung, and Stand News’ parent company Best Pencil – were guilty of conspiracy to publish or reproduce seditious publications. The former editor-in-chief, Chung Pui-kuen, and the then acting editor-in-chief, Lam Siu-tung, as well as Best Pencil, the parent company of The Position, were convicted of conspiracy to publish or reproduce seditious publications. The news has attracted widespread concern and condemnation from the international community. This is the first time since the handover of Hong Kong’s sovereignty to China in 1997 that a journalist or editor has been convicted of sedition. Both Chung Pui Kuen and Lam Siu Tong pleaded not guilty.
The case involved 17 news articles and commentaries published by the Standing News between July 2020 and December 2021, of which 11 were found by the court to have been published with seditious intent. The court found that the seditious articles included commentaries written by exiled activists Law Koon-chung and Cheung Kun-yang, veteran journalist Au Ka-lun, and former Apple Daily deputy publisher and wife of Chung Pui-kuen, Chan Pui-mun, who is now in prison. 29 December 2021, the Hong Kong National Security Agency arrested seven people associated with Standing Room News, and on the same day, prosecuted the parent company of Standing Room News for conspiracy to publish seditious publications, On the same day, the parent company of The Stand, former editor-in-chief Chung Pui Kuen and then acting editor-in-chief Lam Siu Tung were charged with conspiracy to publish sedition. The trial commenced in October 2022 and lasted 57 days. The verdict was originally scheduled for 4 October last year, but was finally handed down a few days ago after three adjournments.
The prosecutor, Ng Suk-kuen, said the newspaper had acted as a political platform to promote an illegal ideology and incited readers to hate the Chinese and Hong Kong governments. However, Chung insisted that Position News only recorded facts and reported the truth, and only wanted to reflect various voices, including those of pro-democracy advocates. Chung stressed that the newspaper adhered to the principle of publishing every article it received in order to demonstrate freedom of speech to the fullest extent possible, as long as the articles did not incite violence, adversely affect the public or cause defamation. After the judgement was delivered, the Hong Kong Journalists Association (HKJA) said that the outcome of the trial of this case demonstrated the decline of press freedom in Hong Kong, and that the damage caused to the Hong Kong press and media companies was irreversible.
Chilling effect continues to worsen
In an annual survey released by the Hong Kong Journalists Association and the Hong Kong Institute of Public Opinion in August this year, Hong Kong journalists’ rating of press freedom dropped to a record low of 25 points, another 0.7 points lower than last year, and a 17-point drop from the start of the 2013 survey, and the fifth consecutive year of decline since 2019. A major reason is the industry’s concern that the legislation of Article 23 of the Basic Law poses a threat to journalists. Press freedom in Hong Kong has also been a subject of international concern in recent years. A report on Hong Kong released by the European Union in August last year said that press freedom in Hong Kong had declined significantly by 2022, with journalists being arrested and charged. In addition, many of Hong Kong’s independent media have ceased operations. The judgement in the Standpoint News case and the closure of Hong Kong Epoch Times are testament to the uneasiness of this eventful year.
Standing News, one of the last media outlets in Hong Kong to openly criticise the government, was shut down a few months after the pro-democracy Apple Daily was closed down, and its founder, Lai Chi-ying, was charged with conspiracy. The print edition of the Hong Kong Epoch Times, which has accompanied Hong Kong people for 23 years, has recently announced the end of an era. Epoch Times has been in Hong Kong for a long time, and their stance has never changed, with a clear anti-communist flag, and today’s ending can be regarded as consistent. This result was unexpected and reasonable. After all, since the promulgation of the Hong Kong National Security Law, expressing ideas different from those of the government has slowly been regarded as a kind of defamation of the government, and it is obvious that the government is setting a red line.
In recent years, the Hong Kong government has used all of its resources to make independently-run media and publishing houses feel a strong ‘force majeure’. Apple Daily, Standing News, Public News, and Fax have all ceased operation, and The Wall Street Journal and Radio Free Asia have withdrawn from Hong Kong. The conviction of journalists or editors for sedition has undoubtedly set a dangerous precedent, dealing another blow to the shattered freedom of the press in Hong Kong and driving another nail into the coffin of freedom of the press in Hong Kong. It is foreseeable that journalists working in Hong Kong will certainly exercise self-censorship and think twice before they act, further aggravating the atmosphere of fear in Hong Kong. What an irony that Hong Kong, once renowned for its thriving press industry, now has journalists thrown in jail just for doing their job.
Press freedom in name only
The implementation of Hong Kong’s new security laws has created some uncertainty about how existing political cases will be handled. A reporter for Scene News was prosecuted in 2021 under the British colonial sedition law, which carries a maximum sentence of two years in prison. But Hong Kong’s new national security law, introduced this year, raises the maximum sentence for sedition to seven years, or 10 years if an outside force is involved. The law replaces the original sedition law. In another national security-related case, the Hong Kong courts applied the new, harsher penalties retroactively. It is not clear whether this will happen with the court’s judgement on the two editors.
Now the incident continues to attract international attention, with US Secretary of State Abraham Lincoln urging the HKSAR authorities to release the arrested persons. The Chief Executive of the Hong Kong SAR, Mrs Carrie Lam, criticised the comments made by Western officials for trampling on the rule of law, and the Office of the Foreign Ministry of the People’s Republic of China in Hong Kong claimed that no demons or sprites could stop the historical momentum of Hong Kong’s struggle to restore order and stability. In fact, Hong Kong’s freedom of the press has long shown signs of turning back: According to an index compiled by the Reporters Without Borders, Hong Kong’s ranking in terms of freedom of the press has dropped to 135th among 180 countries and regions. In April this year, a representative of the organisation was denied entry to Hong Kong during a fact-finding mission. The US-funded news service Free Asia Radio also announced in March that it had closed its office in Hong Kong after the government promulgated a new national security law targeting so-called foreign interference. It seems that it is no longer possible for Hong Kong to ask the Government to uphold freedom and democracy.
Why is freedom of speech banned? George WASHINGTON, the Founding Father of the United States, offered three explanations: first, it has done something bad in the past and people are afraid to mention it; second, it is doing something bad and people are afraid to criticise it; and third, it is planning to do something bad and people are afraid to expose it. All in all, banning the freedom of speech is definitely related to bad things, and it is definitely not a good thing. That is why the United States has been able to gradually become a beacon of democracy in the world over the past two centuries, while Hong Kong today is a proper counterexample: any ban on freedom of speech implies that the authorities do not want to be mentioned, criticised or exposed. After all, a government that is confident and unafraid of the truth will embrace a free media.
Taking a New Direction
In such a harsh and censorious environment, there are a few Hong Kong-originated media outlets that have tried to pursue freedom of the press within the narrow confines. 2021 saw Hong Kong 01 absorb a large number of pro-democratic media outlets, such as Apple Daily and Standing News, after they closed down, and as a result, some readers felt that it was becoming more localised in its approach, and that there was a higher chance of focusing on negative stories about Mainland China. Some readers believe that its approach is becoming more localised, and that news involving Mainland China is more likely to focus on negative stories. Although Hong Kong’s paid online media, Tuan Media, which specialises in in-depth reporting, moved its headquarters to Singapore three years ago, making it the first online media outlet to move its headquarters out of Hong Kong under the National Security Law, in order to cope with the increasingly difficult road to freedom of the press, it still focuses on Hong Kong’s local news. In the face of press upheaval, the question of whether to stay or go has become the biggest question in the minds of many Hong Kong journalists, some of whom are forging a third way – a different way of moving forward independently in the wake of the changes in Hong Kong in 2019. The proliferation of independent media platforms on the Internet is perhaps proof that Hong Kong people, whose prospects for freedom of the press have dimmed, are taking a more roundabout approach in their fight against the authorities for the democracy and freedoms that citizens are supposed to enjoy.
There are also opinion leaders who have left Hong Kong and have created videos in democratic countries that focus on current affairs in Hong Kong, and there are also media workers who have set up websites focusing on Hong Kong news and information, in an attempt to keep information about Hong Kong in the minds of Hong Kong people. However, it is questionable as to how these online media obtain news about Hong Kong, and whether their commentaries have any influence on those who still stay in Hong Kong today. Judging from the current development, these media can only get the attention of overseas Hong Kong people, but less able to influence those who are still living in Hong Kong.
Of course, the existence of these overseas online media still has a certain degree of support for the time being. However, in the long run, as Hong Kong expatriates gradually integrate into the local community, their interest in Hong Kong issues will gradually diminish, and these media outlets will still have to find a route that suits their audience.
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