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Charles III’s visit to Australia

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Charles III’s visit to Australia reminds me of the return of Hong Kong to China 27 years ago, when Charles, as Crown Prince, handed Hong Kong back to the Chinese leaders on behalf of the Queen, opening a new page in Hong Kong’s history.

I believe that Charles’s visit to Australia will probably be his last as King, given his age, his health and the demand of the Australian community to become a republic. Last week, I was invited by the Prime Minister’s Office to Canberra on Monday to attend a reception in the Parliament Hall to welcome King Charles, and to see for myself how Australia has welcomed him. The protest ‘performance’ by Aboriginal Senator Lidia Thorpe at the end of the welcome ceremony was right in front of my eyes, and it got me thinking.

Charles’s love affair with Australia, 17 visits in total
Charles III became King of Australia last year, immediately following his accession to the British throne, and it is a misnomer for many Hong Kong newspapers to describe the visit of the King of England to Australia as a visit in his capacity as monarch of a foreign country. Charles arrived in Sydney on Friday evening, rested for a day and then visited the North Sydney Anglican Church for a service on Sunday, and then visited the NSW Parliament in the afternoon, where he presented an hourglass timer to celebrate the 200th anniversary of the founding of the NSW Parliament. The Commonwealth Universities Association (CUA) also announced that Charles had made a personal donation to establish a scholarship to help smaller developing countries face urgent economic, social and environmental challenges.

On Monday Charles attended the Canberra Parliamentary Welcome Reception and a number of charity events. In the afternoon Charles met with two climate scientists and Queen Camilla visited charities. On Tuesday, they met with Australian of the Year 2024 and fellow cancer specialists Professor Georgina Long and Professor Richard Scolyer to discuss cancer research. Later they met with Aboriginal leaders and attended an Australian barbecue. On Wednesday Charles III travelled to Samoa to open the Federal Heads of State Conference. It was not easy for King Charles, who began cancer treatment in February, to stop for nine days to visit Australia. Polls conducted in Australia during the period showed half of Australians were satisfied with the King’s visit, ahead of Prime Minister Albanese and Opposition Leader David Dutton.

This is the second visit by a sitting head of state to Australia since Queen Elizabeth’s visit in 2011. Charles first visited Australia when he was 19 years old and spent six months as a Year 9 student boarding at Geelong Grammar School’s Timbertop campus. This was his 17th visit to Australia (one more than Queen Elizabeth) and his first as King. In 1983 he visited Australia with the then Princess Diana and the newborn Prince William, with Princess Diana adding to Charles’ popularity.

Will he give up the headship soon?
In a sign of the importance Charles III attaches to his relationship with Australia, he took a break from his cancer treatment to visit Australia for five days before travelling to Samoa to preside over the Federal Heads of State Conference. He was met at the airport on Friday evening by Governor Sam Mostyn, Prime Minister Albanese and NSW Premier Chris Minn, but all the Premiers declined to attend the State Welcome Reception on Monday, citing official commitments. I had thought that Australia might be speeding up its transformation into a republic as more immigrants from different countries become Australians, and that Charles’ trip would become a “farewell to Australia” tour. However, the polls conducted during this period show that most Australians do not want to change the status quo, so if Charles’ health improves, perhaps he will have a chance to visit Australia in the future.

Charles has always reiterated that he has no objection to Australia becoming a republic, and that he would be happy to fulfil the wishes of the Australian people. However, some of the organisations pushing for Australia to become a republic have argued that Australia is not really a ‘land without people’ and that it would be disrespectful to the Aboriginal people to have an Englishman as head of state through an election. However, it seems that there is no consensus in the community on whether an Aboriginal leader should be allowed to take up the role of the head of state, and it may not be accepted by the current multi-ethnic society. 1999 Australia held a referendum, only 45% of Australians would support a republican system, and the situation is still similar to that time in the opinion polls released on Tuesday. So it seems unlikely that the monarchy will be abolished any time soon.

The Monarch Who Won the Hearts and Minds of the People
After the British landed in Australia in 1788, the colonies were formed into state governments under the British Empire, with a democratic system of government whereby the King of England became the head of state, and between 1890 and 1900, the Australian states voted in a referendum to form the Commonwealth of Australia, with today’s constitution, no longer colonies but self-governing by the people of those states. It was the choice of the people of each state to become a Commonwealth, and on 1 January 1901 the Commonwealth of Australia was formally established when the King of England, who was also the King of Australia, was voted into office by the British Parliament. For the Australians, it was not the British who conquered this part of Australia by military force and forced the Australians to accept the King of England as their head of state, but the colonisers fought for independence as a self-governing country, but after independence, Australia still maintained its ties with Britain and appointed the King of England as the King of Australia.

Queen Elizabeth was the first sitting monarch to visit Australia in 1954. After the Second World War, Britain pursued a policy of de-colonisation, with British Malaya and Singapore in the vicinity of Australia becoming independent states. Queen Elizabeth visited 57 Australian cities and towns during her 58-day tour. The trip involved 31 flights of over 16,000 kilometres by plane, and many trips by train, car and ship. It is estimated that 75% of the 9 million Australians who met the Queen in person at the time, made the Queen’s visit the only major event of its kind in Australia at that time. The visit made the Queen the Queen of Australians, and it is fair to say that the Queen gave the majority of Australians who had settled in the Commonwealth far from Britain an identity that connected them to British history and tradition. From that time until today, Australians have believed that they were not separate from the Asian nations from which they were so different, living in isolation in the Pacific in a Western society.

Charles’s visit to Australia today is not the same as it was in Elizabeth’s time. But the latest opinion polls show that Australians are not keen to speed up the establishment of a republic, indicating that although Australians have been in closer contact with Asian countries, it is clear that Australia is still reluctant to give up its historical ties with Britain. the establishment of AUKUS, which has become the centre of gravity of Australia’s foreign affairs and defence in recent years, shows that the Australian society is not willing to become a completely independent country from Britain in the near future. In all likelihood, Australia would like to strengthen its co-operative relationship with more ex-British countries. If this were to happen, there would be a market for the King of England to be the King of Australia, at least for a certain period of time.

A Different Concept of Monarch from the Chinese Empire
Due to historical factors, most European heads of state were not direct rulers of the country, but rather symbols of the country. This is a completely different concept from that of the emperors who have always governed China, and it is believed to have started in Britain.

More than 800 years ago, the King of England signed the Magna Carta, handing over the power of governing the country to the aristocracy, and eventually developed the present democratic system. It can be said that the power of the king has long since passed away, and the monarch is no longer, and does not need to be directly responsible for the policies of the country. However, the emperors of the Chinese Empire (i.e. China in history) have always had the supreme power to govern the country. When an emperor failed to govern and the country was in turmoil, there was often a coup d’état or a popular revolt, leading to a change of dynasty and the Chinese would support the new emperor. It can be said that such a system, which advocated the supremacy of power, made the rulers unwilling and unable to give up the power they possessed. Whenever the Chinese nation was invaded by foreigners, the majority of the Chinese people would accept the new emperor’s rule, but in the end, the ruling system composed of scholars assimilated the foreign monarchs and nations. For example, the Manchurian dynasty was still ruled by the Han Chinese ruling class, and the Manchurians were eventually Sinicised to the extent that not many of them know much about Manchu culture today. Another example is that the Mongols refused to be Sinicised, and as a result, when their control over the society was weakened, they were driven back to the north by the Han Chinese, and their life has never been un-Sinicised.

From these different views on kingship, we can understand the situation of Charles III today. Though the kingship is inherited from history, the actual governing power is in the hands of the people, so the kings do not have absolute power and interests. Today, the British Royal Family is an alternative group of people in Britain who can contribute to the improvement of the country’s inequalities, or give hope to the neglected people, and thus provide strength to the stability of the society. Most of the activities of the British royal family are ceremonial and charitable, and the royal family has accumulated a great deal of wealth over the course of its history. Whether or not they continue to be members of the Royal Family is not an important issue for them. Moreover, while royalty is often the centre of public attention, there are some members of the royal family who are unwilling to take on such a role. Prince Harry, for example, who had no right of succession, gave up his position and became an independent celebrity, enjoying his leisure time.

Charles III knows what he’s doing
For me, still in Hong Kong, a visit from the British Royal Family means holidays, celebrations and good news. When the Queen comes to Hong Kong, she’s bound to be on holiday, and part-time workers are always hoping that the Queen Mother (Hong Kong people’s nickname for Queen Elizabeth) will come to Hong Kong more often. The royal family’s visits to Hong Kong are often to preside over the launching of large-scale construction or projects, and are a sign of Hong Kong’s prosperity, stability and development. Charles visited Hong Kong five times in his capacity as Crown Prince. Initially, it was thought that the Queen was too old for the Crown Prince to take over the throne, but the Queen’s longevity made Hong Kong people realise that he would not have the opportunity to preside over the handover as King in 1997.

But Charles did manage to get the British out of Hong Kong in style. Charles III left Hong Kong’s Queen’s Pier (which no longer exists today) on the HMS Britannia with the British flag lowered, signalling that the British had come and gone by ship. I believe that most people in Hong Kong at that time, as well as the rest of the world, were amazed that the British had turned this barren harbour into the richest metropolis in the world. Looking at the prosperity of Hong Kong, the quality of life of the people of Hong Kong at that time, who would say that the colonial government was a tyranny that exploited the people?

Charles summed it up as the contribution of the British in Hong Kong, and today, 27 years later, many Hong Kong people around the world would agree and still miss it. Charles’s ‘farewell to Australia’ is a low-key visit to a country where many have rejected him as king, despite the difficulties of fighting cancer, and where he insists on his duty as ‘King of Australia’ (many Hong Kong media have misrepresented his visit to Australia as the ‘King of England’). Charles III’s early public statement that he would let the Australian people decide whether to become a republic or not shows that Charles III realised that the era of the king as the head of state was over. By making the change known to the Australians, the hardliners, who had been in favour of retaining the royal system, had no reason to hold out any longer. But the Australians were in no hurry to change, and Charles did not have to accelerate the pace. Australia’s transformation into a republic has become a consensus that the Australian community needs to seek on its own, and this attitude shows Charles’s ability to know what to do and what to do not, as well as his political wisdom.

A Nation Grows
The attitude of the Australians towards the royal family also shows that a country has to grow. In the beginning, Australia was just a new continent discovered by the British, similar to the Americas. These two lands were too far away from Britain and not on the Asian trade routes to be of much trade value to the British Empire. India, Hong Kong, Singapore and some parts of Africa were different, they played the role of entrepot and supply port in the East-West trade, and as these places were already governed by established sovereign governments, the British had to become sovereigns through war as conquerors. However, the British did not colonise these colonies in large numbers. While the administration of these colonies brought benefits to Britain in terms of global trade and the plundering of the resources of these lands, at the same time, the administration of these colonies also brought great problems and costs to the British Empire. After the First World War, Britain’s power declined so rapidly that after the Second World War, Britain adopted a policy of decolonisation, allowing these colonies to become independent. To this day, many of these countries still maintain a good co-operative relationship with Britain and are part of the Commonwealth.

The situation in America and Australia was different. The opening up of America was driven by religious idealists who were dissatisfied with the British social system and soon formed self-governments in opposition to Britain. As a result, the United States of America was founded on the other side of the Atlantic Ocean with western democratic institutions but without the historical baggage of Britain, and with a strong belief in individual freedom, human rights and the rule of law, and has become the most powerful country in the world in the last few decades. Australia, on the other hand, because of its more remote location, only had settlers from the lower social classes and gold miners who pursued a free life, and up to 70 or 80 years ago, it was still a small country with a population that supplied Britain with wool, beef and dairy products for trade. Nevertheless, the lives of these oppressed people, who sought freedom and equality, were greatly improved by the richness of the land. The colonists quickly established self-government, honoured British traditions, and because the neighbouring countries were all undemocratic in Asia, Australian society was keen to maintain its close relationship with Britain until the Second World War, and naturally, the British king became the king of Australia.

Queen Elizabeth’s charisma, coupled with the White Australia policy that prevailed in Australian society for more than 50 years, has kept Australians from changing the present system of having the King of England as the head of state. However, over the past 30 years, Australia has absorbed a large number of immigrants from all over the world, and this generation of Australians is now a global citizenry with a global outlook, but still retains the old values of freedom, equality and tolerance of different perspectives. Australians are able to build co-operative relationships with different countries and ethnic groups around the world, and because of this, Australian society is capable of making institutional changes.

It can also be said that Australia has grown to become a democratic, free and lawful nation in the Asia-Pacific region, one that demands mutual respect and tolerance, and that resists the threat of force and oppression. In the face of the reorganisation of the world order, Australia will play an important role in the region, and perhaps it is a good symbol for a change in the system of national leadership.

Who will be the head of state?
If Australia ever becomes a republic, how will she elect her head of state? Australia’s most powerful Governor-General has always been an elected head of government, nominated by the Prime Minister and appointed by the King of Australia. Most of them are respected members of the community, come from a wide range of backgrounds, and are seen as representatives of fairness and justice. Most of these nominees are knowledgeable people, but if we recognise that Australia did not start out as an uninhabited land, but was inhabited by Aboriginal people for more than 60,000 years, does it mean that the Australian community should consider an Aboriginal leader to be the head of state?

No Aboriginal person has ever been appointed as the Governor-General of Australia. Douglas Nicholls was appointed Governor-General of South Australia in 1976, the first Aboriginal person to hold such a position. Mr Le Van Hieu, an immigrant from Vietnam, also served as Governor-General, but they were appointed by the King and had no real power.

But if the head of Australia is elected by the people on a one-man-one-vote basis, how much power should he have? Is it possible to elect an Aboriginal head of state? Or should the Aborigines be the head of state of Australia? It seems to be very difficult for the Australian community to reach a consensus on these issues.

As I attended Charles III’s welcome reception in Parliament on Monday, I observed a number of things of interest.

You’re not my king, you’ve committed genocide
Before the King got off the bus and arrived at Parliament House, there was an Aboriginal welcome, a sign of respect for Aboriginal people, and a parade of Australian soldiers. I saw Charles III stop to talk to the soldiers, some of whom were obviously not white. On entering the parliamentary chamber, the sign language interpreter, sitting on the far left hand side of the room, conveyed a very clear message. I don’t think many people in the room would have needed a sign language interpreter, but rather a way to express to the Deaf people of the country that they too are part of this country and can be seen on the TV news. Before the start, Auntie Violet Sheridan gave the Aboriginal welcome to the King, and then the Prime Minister’s speech, which showed that the Australian government recognises that this land belongs to the Aboriginal people.

The Prime Minister’s and King’s speeches also mentioned how Queen Elizabeth won the hearts of all Australians on her first visit to Australia as King. The Prime Minister also praised King Charles for his many visits and interest in Australia’s development and charitable work during his years as Crown Prince. Prime Minister Albanese recognised the positive role Charles has played in Australia’s development and growth to date. Charles spoke about his first time living in Australia and how the Aboriginal culture has had a huge impact on his life over the past 58 years. He also expressed his concern about the recent fires and natural disasters that have occurred in Australia in recent years, and was pleased that Australia has grown to become such an influential country in the world.

It could have been a perfect farewell visit. The guests did not come as kings to a land of exiled convicts, the hosts did not bow and scrape as vassals, and we all parted in a courteous manner, with the Prime Minister saying that Australia would continue to play an active and important role in future federal meetings of states. It could be said that this visit was the perfect prelude to Australia’s entry into a republic. However, immediately after the speeches, Aboriginal Senator Lidia Thorpe rushed forward and shouted, ‘You are an exterminator’ and ‘You are not my king’. Her action absolutely disrupted the harmony of the whole welcoming ceremony, and all the participants shook their heads and sighed. Bringing politics into the ceremony was not recognised and supported by the participants and Australians. Lidia was later criticised by many Aboriginal leaders for insulting the king she claimed to be loyal to, losing her integrity and bringing shame to the Aboriginal people.

Aboriginal people are being ignored?
Are Lidia’s demands reasonable? Firstly, Lidia wants to get back the bones of the Aborigines. Many Aboriginal skeletons were brought to Britain during the colonial era, and some museums have returned them to Aboriginal communities in the past.Lidia’s request is reasonable, but should it have been made at the King’s welcoming party, or is there a better way?

Secondly, Lidia says the King is responsible for the genocide of the Aborigines, which is a difficult question to answer. When the British first landed in Australia, not many people would have thought that the Aborigines were living in a highly civilised society at that time. Since the Australian continent had been isolated from the world for tens of thousands of years, when the known civilised society developed into the Industrial Revolution, the British encountered the Aborigines and regarded them as undeveloped and did not regard the land as inhabited. However, inhabited land can also become colonies of other countries through wars. It is not uncommon for the original inhabitants to die in large numbers after the invasion of a new nation.

In fact, under such circumstances, the British did not carry out genocide against the indigenous people to a large extent. This was not because the British were not aggressive, it was believed that it was only because of the vastness of Australia and the distance between Australia and Britain that the British did not colonise on a large scale. After the conflict between the British colonisation and the Aborigines, the Aborigines settled in the more remote inland of Australia. It was not until the discovery of gold mines in Australia in the 60s and 70s that more Britons emigrated to Australia, and Lidia’s assertion that Charles or the King of England carried out genocide in Australia is clearly not true.

The British colonial government set up loyalist governments in each state, recognising the King as the head of state was their choice, and there is no law in each state that says that Aborigines must be citizens of each state. However, there were Aboriginal Protection Officers in each state to protect the rights of the Aborigines in case of conflicts between the Aborigines and the citizens of the state, so that the Aborigines could be treated fairly in the society. You can say that the colonialists stole the land by claiming that it had no owner, but this is the view of the post-World War II world on respecting national sovereignty. During the colonial era, when it was a common belief in the world that military might was the key to determining who belonged to a territory, it was considered progressive for the colonisers to ignore the rights of the aborigines instead of exterminating them.

Perhaps the officials who dealt with the Aborigines at that time did not know how to do the job well, but at least the Australian society did not completely ignore the Aborigines.Lidia can say that the British colonialists initially ignored the cultural heritage of the Aborigines, or they did not respect the rights of the Aborigines, but it is far-fetched to think that they had occupied the Aborigines’ land. At that time, the Aborigines did not have a life style of settling on a piece of land for a long period of time. It can also be said that they were not a people who settled in a fixed place, but a people who travelled around a certain place for a long period of time. The Aboriginal people also did not have any concept of property rights (settlement) or who owns a certain piece of land, and naturally, there was no such thing as encroachment.

A Free, Democratic and Rule of Law Australia
When the state and federal governments of Australia were formed, Aborigines were not initially included in national statistics. The intention was that Aborigines would be denied the responsibility of state protection, and that they would not be taxed or provided with welfare benefits by the state and federal governments, not that the state or federal governments would not recognise their existence and right to exist. The fact that Aboriginal people could only live on land that no one else owned or used was not a big problem, as there was plenty of land in Australia in the first place. The Aborigines had the right to deny that they were nationals of either the British Empire or the Commonwealth of Australia, but in doing so, they also denied the responsibility of Australia as a nation to protect them. Senator Lidia Thorpe’s behaviour is therefore clearly contradictory.

As Aborigines, Lidia has the right to deny the existence of the Commonwealth of Australia because the Aborigines did not become Australian citizens in 1900 when they voted in a referendum to accept the Commonwealth’s constitution. They became part of the Commonwealth of Australia in a referendum in the 67th century, when the original colonisers and their descendants were accepted into the Commonwealth of Australia. Since then they have enjoyed the privileges, benefits and Aboriginal land rights of living in Australia, and Lidia was born after the constitutional changes that made all Aboriginal people Australians, and naturally, a subject of Charles III of Australia. Since her birth, she has enjoyed the welfare and education provided by the Australian government, and has become part of the Australian government by running for election, being elected, and swearing allegiance to the Australian government. However, Australians enjoy freedom of speech, and simply stating publicly that you are not a subject of Charles III is not treason or sedition, nor is it a criminal offence, as long as you do not take any specific action. She is a democratically elected member of Parliament, and the Parliament does not have the power to remove her from office.

Lidia’s behaviour demonstrates that Australians today enjoy a great deal of freedom, and that they use this freedom ‘unreasonably’ to promote their own political ideas without fear of being suppressed by the government. This is all because Australian society practises democracy and the rule of law, and allows its citizens to enjoy freedom. Whether they are descendants of the original British colonisation, Aboriginal people, or people who have immigrated from outside the UK and settled in this country, they all enjoy these rights, and this is the most valuable change that some of us, the first generation of immigrants to settle in this country, have experienced.

King Charles has gone, but his visit to Australia has made Australians think again about who they are and how Australia should go forward. How should Australia go forward? I’m sure it will be discussed amongst Australians for some time to come.

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Everyone needs to break out of jail

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Not long ago, Hong Kong’s renowned director Johnnie To’s interview with the foreign media about the death of Hong Kong cinema due to the restriction of creative freedom under China’s political tightening has aroused a great deal of concern and rebuttal from pro-government people. However, two weeks ago, the Hong Kong movie “Breaking Hell”, starring Wong Tze Wah and Hui Koon-man, was released in Hong Kong. Inferno, which broke the box office on its first day of release with 1,000 screenings and grossed over HK$60 million in 11 days, has been the talk of the town every day, and has been used by the official Chinese media as a reason for questioning director Johnnie To’s claims.

However, anyone who knows how to think can tell that the popularity of a movie is not directly related to the freedom of movie making. However, Breaking Hell has indeed become a phenomenon worth discussing in Hong Kong.

The film is the first of its kind in Hong Kong to focus entirely on the funeral industry. The story is set in Hong Kong in the midst of the new Crown Pneumonia epidemic, and tells the story of “Wei Dao Sheng” (Wong Tze Wah), a former wedding planner who has no choice but to join the booming funeral industry in the midst of the recession and become a funeral broker. “As he tries to apply his business acumen to his work, he clashes with his mentor, Man (Hui Koon Man), over the contradiction between tradition and innovation. In the course of their relationship and cooperation, the two explore the complex meaning of life and death together. As of Tuesday, the box office has already exceeded $60 million, and on the 16th of last week, the box office reached $9.05 million, with more than 120,000 people attending the movie, making it the highest one-day box office record for a Hong Kong movie.

A Different Story
The movie “Hell” is set in Hong Kong’s funeral industry. To put it bluntly, it takes an outsider’s point of view to lead the audience into the mysterious and traditional field, reflecting the changes in Hong Kong’s society in the aftermath of the epidemic. Originally a middle-class wedding planner, Mr. Wei Dao Sheng lost his job during the epidemic and became heavily indebted. In order to make a living, he changed his profession to become a funeral service salesman, commonly known as a “funeral parlor”. Being an “outsider”, Dawson did not understand the traditions of the local funeral industry, let alone the mentality of the customers, i.e. the bereaved families. At the beginning of his career, Daw Sang encountered many obstacles, until he befriended Man, a former master of the funeral trade, who taught him how to “put the living first”.

The movie is also a clichéd story of family reconciliation. The traditional hell-breaking ceremony is passed on to men but not to women, thus creating a rift between Man and his son, Chi-Bin, and daughter, Wen Yueh. In the end, a death ritual is performed to reconcile the deceased with the living, and the audience is able to feel relieved. The script of Breaking Hell is simple and delicate, with individual vignettes explaining how Dawson learns how to care for the living from the cases of different victims, so that the audience can understand the meaning of living together. The movie is originally of a heavy and depressing style, but the roles of Wong Tze Wah and Hui Koon-man, two actors who are generally regarded as comedians by the audience in the past, make the movie a wonderful chemical effect.

The English title of the movie is also very special – “The Last Dance”, which symbolizes the last dance for the deceased, and also provides an opportunity for the living to say goodbye officially. In the film, a freshman humanist in the funeral industry recognizes that the ceremony is sometimes for the living. At a funeral, the living are given the opportunity to say a formal goodbye. Whether it is a chance to cry or to organize and express their thoughts, emotions are taken care of, and this is an important process to help the living gradually face death and accept their loss. No matter how many grudges we had with the deceased, everything should be put aside the moment the body turns into white smoke. In the face of death, everyone can feel the pain of the heart, and it is because of this that it is especially important to say goodbye to the other person seriously.

Beyond Rituals: Breaking through the Dilemma
As an ancient civilization with a long history, China’s funeral rituals are not the same in each different historical period, after thousands of years of long sedimentation and development, formed a set of complex funeral rituals, the content of which is mainly manifested in the form of funeral and burial, such as wearing mourning, streamers to attract souls, reciting the scriptures and other forms of rituals with a strong color of feudal superstition. In the disposal of the body, the main coffin burial, earth burial is the main form of funeral in old China. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, funeral reforms were initiated, and in February 1985, the Chinese government issued the Provisional Provisions on Funeral Management, which determined that cremation should be actively and step-by-step implemented, while traditional forms of cremation, earth burial, sky burial, and water burial have been preserved in ethnic minority areas. The “breaking of hell” in the movie is an important funeral ritual in the Taoist faith, aiming to perform the “breaking of hell” for the deceased, so that they can be released from hell and rest in peace.

The Taoist community has different views on who should perform the “Hell Breaking” ritual. Generally speaking, only those who died at a young age, died in an accident or committed suicide need to perform the “hell-breaking” rituals, but some say that people always make mistakes in their lives, so everyone needs to perform the hell-breaking rituals after their deaths in order to be freed from hell. After the director, Mr. Chan Mau-yin, had the initial concept of the script, he contacted a funeral consultant and, with the consent of the family members of the deceased, he observed the process from the mortuary to the funeral parlour and the whole ceremony for many times, which allowed him to observe various kinds of deceased in good or bad health conditions, and to understand this unfamiliar industry from the mouths of the real practitioners, which allowed him to restore the most complete scene of the funeral service in front of the audience.

The “hell-breaking” shown in the movie goes far beyond the ceremony itself, it is not a quick fix, but a continuous process. It requires courage to face the past, to talk to oneself honestly, and to look at all experiences through the lens of love. The movie shows viewers the multiple facets of life – birth and death, love and separation, pain and redemption. Behind every hell lies a path to light. As long as people are willing to face these hells, the ultimate exit will be inner peace and fulfillment. The true meaning of “Breaking Hell” is to awaken people from the predicament of life, to learn to embrace the coexistence of shadow and light, and to meet the challenges of each day with a calmer mind. When people break the hell in their hearts, spiritual redemption will follow, and life will truly be transformed.

The Renaissance of Hong Kong Cinema
The success of Breaking Hell has also injected a shot in the arm for Hong Kong’s movie industry, which has been under much skepticism in recent years. Since the 1980s, with the change of time and the influence of the external environment, Hong Kong movies, which used to be known as the “Hollywood of the Orient”, seem to have gradually lost their former glory. However, Breaking Hell proves that as long as we maintain our creative edge, write good stories, and rely on excellent local talents, Hong Kong movies can still be vibrant in the new era. The movie has not only become the opening champion of Hong Kong movies in 2024 at the box office, but more importantly, it has injected new vitality into the revival of Hong Kong movies. The reason for the movie’s success lies not only in its strong cast, but also in its profound cultural connotation and social significance.

The most profound part of the movie is that it points out that the rituals not only overcame the dead, but also overcame the living. The living are in a lot of trouble, so it is necessary to perform the rituals. This sense of ritual in traditional culture is not only a visual impact on the big screen, but also a deep reflection on the beauty of culture and the meaning of life. Through the delicate expression of these traditional rituals, the film explores the dialectical relationship between death and life, and triggers the audience to rethink their own time and culture. Director Chan Mau-yin skillfully utilizes “hell-breaking”, an intangible cultural heritage of Hong Kong, as an entry point, which not only allows the audience to feel the emotional value behind the traditional customs, but also arouses people’s concern and thinking about the funeral industry and its related culture.

“Breaking the Hell” is not only a funeral ritual in Taoism, but also an important part of the emotional bond between the living and the dead. By watching this movie, people may have a deeper understanding of life, learn to cherish the present moment and be grateful for what they have. Professor Murray, the protagonist of the popular Western novel The Last Fourteen Lessons of Tuesday, says, “Everyone knows they’re going to die, but no one wants to talk about it. The fear of death seems to be a human condition. Perhaps it is only when we let go of our obsession with life and death, our grudges against others, and our harshness towards ourselves that we truly begin the first step towards hell-breaking.

The movie is not only a spectacular cast, but also brings unprecedented visual and spiritual impact to the audience through the combination of real-life scenes and traditional culture. The brilliant performances of Wong Tze Wah and Hui Koon-man bring the movie to an emotional and philosophical level. Their different attitudes and understanding of death in the movie give the movie a strong depth of thought, making the audience think about their own attitudes towards life while enjoying the movie. Although the movie focuses on the funeral industry in Hong Kong – a work with strong regional cultural characteristics – it puts the eternal theme of life and death in the spotlight, which is common to all human beings and thus has a strong international resonance. This movie is much more than a shock to the senses, it is more of a baptism of the heart and mind.

Movies have influenced the world
Since the invention of the movie, the world’s largest film industry has been in Hollywood, followed by India with its large population. Movies were first made in Bombay, India, 130 years ago, and in China, which has a similarly large population, movies began to be made in Shanghai in 1905, with only a few Cantonese movies being made in Hong Kong at the time. However, due to China’s long history of civil wars and wars against Japan, many films were shot in Hong Kong in the 1930s, when the Shaw Brothers founded Shaw Brothers, which was the world’s largest film studio, and films were distributed to the Chinese communities in Southeast Asia. With the founding of Communist China, a large number of Chinese filmmakers came to Hong Kong, making Hong Kong the third largest film production center in the world. It is only since 30 years ago that the huge Chinese market has dominated the production of Chinese-language movies. Because of this, Cantonese movies, such as Kung Fu, Triad and Funny movies, have been influencing the development of world cinema for a long time in such a small population as Hong Kong.

However, China’s movie production has been subjected to various governmental regulations, and its themes and contents are limited, so it does not have a great influence on the world’s movie industry. As Hong Kong film productions have to develop the Chinese market, the number of films targeting the local community has decreased significantly. However, with the drastic changes in Hong Kong society in 2019, more and more local filmmakers are choosing to make films on Hong Kong society, and many of them have gained international recognition.

It remains to be seen how Hong Kong cinema will continue to develop, whether it will have the possibility of redevelopment, or whether it will gradually become a part of Chinese cinema. However, films like “Breaking Hell”, which can resonate with the majority of people in their daily lives, will probably stimulate the creation of Hong Kong films and open up new horizons, which is something that is yet to be seen.

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Trump’s Cabinet Formation Uncertainty Worsens

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On November 13, President Joe Biden and President-elect Donald Trump met at the White House to discuss the transition of power.

Biden began his remarks by calling for a smooth transition of presidential power. Afterward, Trump said that politics is difficult, but the transition will be smooth. As Trump continues to “pick and choose” his new cabinet, at least 12 key positions have been filled. Among the candidates are experienced “familiar faces,” industry elites entering politics for the first time, and “close associates” who have supported Trump for years. After four years away from the White House, Trump has been given a second chance to return thanks to the votes of millions of American voters.

Accelerating the formation of a team to return to the White House
So far, Trump has announced candidates for the positions of Secretary of State, Attorney General and Director of National Intelligence, so the new cabinet team is taking shape. Most notably, Trump has appointed a group of people born after 1980 to serve as Director of National Intelligence and Attorney General; among them, the one that has caused the most public outcry is the nominee for U.S. Secretary of Defense, Fox News Channel host Pete Hegseth, who is 44 years old and graduated from Princeton and Harvard Universities, the oldest and most prestigious universities in the U.S. He has served in the U.S. Army National Civilian Police, the U.S. Army National Guard, the U.S. Army National Guard and the U.S. Navy. He served in the U.S. Army National Guard with deployments to Afghanistan, Iraq and Guantanamo, Cuba. After retiring from the military, he joined Fox as a contributor in 2014 and quickly became a prime-time host and one of the co-hosts of the ace program Fox & Friends.

In addition to Hegseth, the new “post-80s” members of Trump’s cabinet include former New York State Representative Lee Zeldin, born in 1980, who serves as the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency Administrator; New York State Republican Representative Elise Stefanik, born in 1984, who will serve as U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations; Tulsi Gabbard, who will serve as Attorney General; and Florida Congressman Matt Gaetz, born in 1982. It is undeniable that Trump is already in his old age, and the nomination of the “post-80s” is probably to complete the “age transition” of the Republican Party’s power after he takes office, so that in the future he will rely more on the “post-80s” as his “political legacy”. After all, according to the U.S. Constitution, Trump will not be able to seek re-election after completing his term of office from 2025 to 2029, so he must be “far-sighted” in laying the groundwork for Vice President-elect Vance’s campaign four years later.

In addition, one of Trump’s obvious considerations in hiring is loyalty. Based on the “bitter lessons” of his last term, almost all of his nominees are loyal supporters of his own, such as Marks, who will lead the Department of Government Efficiency, and Kristi Noem, who has been nominated to be the Secretary of the Department of Homeland Security, who has been rated as a “Trump loyalist” by CNN and other U.S. media outlets. Trump’s new Department of Government Efficiency, undoubtedly a highlight, is headed by U.S. business mogul Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy, who ran for the Republican presidential nomination, and operating outside of the federal government, will be tasked with a wide range of assignments. Nearly everyone agrees that the U.S. federal government, which employs more than 2 million people and spends more than $6 trillion a year, is wasteful and inefficient. Agreeing on what constitutes waste and how to eliminate it is a different matter. There is no doubt that this new department has a long way to go.
Policy Directions for the Next Four Years
During the election campaign, the Republican Party’s platform stated that it would work to “prevent a third world war, restore peace to Europe and the Middle East, and build a missile defense system that covers the entire United States”. It can be expected that the defense and military industries will continue to play an important role in the policy framework of the new U.S. government; in the next four years, U.S. military enterprises will face more opportunities, but also with the uncertainty brought by changes in the domestic political landscape. Trump himself has repeatedly stated that unless Ukraine is willing to negotiate with Russia, he will cut off military aid to the country after he takes office. He has also reiterated his first-term pledge to “rebuild and modernize the U.S. military”. Meanwhile, as Trump begins his second term in office, trust in the U.S. in the Western world, especially in Europe, is likely to decline further. Trump has repeatedly questioned whether the U.S. should remain in NATO, and has insisted that European countries need to spend more than 2% of their respective GDPs on military expenditures in order for the alliance to be worth maintaining.

Trump also repeatedly said during his campaign that he could end the Russian-Ukrainian war “in a day”. When asked how he would do that, he suggested overseeing a deal but declined to give specifics. A study written by two former Trump national security advisers in May said the U.S. should continue to supply Ukraine with weapons, but should condition its support on Kiev entering peace talks with Russia. In an interview with Ukrainian media outlet Suspilne a few days ago, Zelensky said that it is certain that with the policies of the current team in the White House, the war will end sooner. This is their approach and their commitment to the international community. Similar to the situation in Ukraine, Trump has promised to bring “peace” to the Middle East – suggesting that he will end the Israeli-Hamas war in Gaza, as well as Israel’s war with Hezbollah in Lebanon – but Trump has not specified a specific method of realizing “peace” .

With reference to his previous first term, it is not difficult to learn that Trump’s economic policies are often accompanied by aggressive trade protection measures. During the election campaign, he proposed a 20% tariff on goods from all countries, a move that was undoubtedly an attempt to make up for the fiscal gap caused by tax cuts. At a time of deepening globalization, such a policy may trigger off trade friction among countries and even lead to discord in international relations. In Trump’s mindset, trade relations should not be equal, but rather “America First”. He has imposed tariffs on steel and aluminum products from EU countries, and is now likely to face more international trade disputes during his term of office. Trump’s policy stance will have a wide-ranging impact on U.S. exports and international cooperation, and could lead to global economic instability. In the face of intense competition and possible tariff wars, other countries are bound to respond, creating new challenges for international trade relations in the future.

How Australia is handling itself
A few days ago, Australian Prime Minister Albanese was interviewed and said he had spoken to U.S. President-elect Donald Trump on the phone, saying it was a positive phone conversation and one of Trump’s first calls since his election, and that the two spoke for 10 minutes. The call covered security relations including the Australia-UK-US Trilateral Security Partnership (AUKUS) agreement. Under the AUKUS agreement, Australia will buy U.S. nuclear submarines over the next 10 years and work with the U.S. to develop new nuclear-powered submarines. Albanese said his relationship with US President-elect Donald Trump was off to a very good start. Foreign Minister Wong Ying-yin also signaled this month that the Australian government is confident in its alliance with the United States, its biggest security partner.

With Trump’s selection of China hawks for key positions in his new administration, it is expected that the US will urge Australia to do more to “stand up to China” and respond to China’s “growing assertiveness” in the Pacific. Albanese told the media that during his conversation with Trump he had suggested that it was in the US interest to have “fair trade” with its allies. He also emphasized that in the face of strategic competition between the US and China, while Australia is an ally of the US, China is also an important trading partner: it is Australia’s largest export market and a major buyer of Australian iron ore, natural gas and coal. There is no denying that the strategic rivalry between the United States and China is an issue that Australia is dealing with today. From the Prime Minister’s statement, it is easy to see that Australia wants to continue to play the role of a middle power, not taking sides but balancing between the US and China. But if Trump’s tariff threats materialize, global trade and investment will suffer, and the impact on China’s growth will spill over into Australia’s economy. The Australian economy would not be immune to an escalation of trade tensions, and the Australian government must be prepared for this.

Defense cooperation is another area where Australia and the United States have a close relationship. The U.S. is Australia’s primary security ally, with a U.S. Marine Corps stationed in the northern Australian city of Darwin, where an air base is being upgraded to accommodate the deployment of U.S. bombers. Australia is also desperate for White House assurances of continued support for the Orcus partnership. A recent poll shows that more than half of Australian respondents do not want to be involved in a Sino-U.S. conflict. Former Australian Prime Minister Paul Keating said the poll was a clear sign that people were seeing through the fog of the hyped-up “China threat” and were unwilling to get involved in a major conflict. He angrily criticized the Australian Labor government for being “completely out of touch” with the public on foreign policy, arguing that AUKUS would deepen Australia’s military bind with the US, thereby jeopardizing Australia’s own security. It is only by trumpeting himself as a peacemaker that Trump risks returning the US to a position of isolationism and exceptionalism. Fundamentally, this means that the US is neither friend nor foe to anyone. So even though the AUKUS deal has strong support from House and Senate Republicans, it will almost certainly be scrutinized by the Trump administration. There is a great deal of uncertainty about where the future will lead.

Would a change of government make a difference?
For Australians, it’s not just Trump that has changed the needs and development of AUKUS, it’s also clear that the attitudes of the two major political parties towards China will cause the ruling government to view AUKUS differently. In the last election, China clearly wanted the Labor Party to come to power because the Morrison government took a hard line against China. Now that a federal election is likely to be held in March-May next year, Albanese has shown that he has lost the support of many voters. If Liberal Mr. Dutton comes to power, what kind of attitude will he take towards China? It remains to be seen whether the Liberals will continue to adopt Morrison’s confrontational strategy, or whether they will downplay the conflict with China and keep a distance from the US. However, from the fact that both parties want to prevent China from further expanding its influence in the South Pacific Islands, it is clear that it is the common strategy of both parties to gain Trump’s support for AUKUS.

From this point of view, whether or not there is a change of government will not change the relationship between Australia and the United States significantly. However, even before Trump took office, some people in Australia proposed to replace former Prime Minister Kevin Rudd, who has long criticized Trump, to continue to serve as the U.S. ambassador. Rudd has never been satisfied with the isolationism of the United States promoted by Trump in his last term, and it is still uncertain whether Trump will become an obstacle to the relationship between Australia and the United States after he takes office. If the Liberal Party were to come to power, there is a strong possibility that Rudd could be replaced, which is something that Australians would be more interested in.

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Qantas liftgate continues to fester

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Recently, it was revealed that Prime Minister Albanese had received at least 22 tens of thousands of dollars worth of Qantas upgrades over the years.

In a recent interview on the issue, Albanese insisted he had never personally requested a Qantas upgrade, but he did not rule out the possibility that his staff had. The Australian government is under pressure to end travel by federal lawmakers and public officials on taxpayer-funded Qantas flights.

Incident still unfolding
The debate over politicians and their airfare benefits has been raging for several days now, and on Monday, Parliament resumed and federal lawmakers returned to Canberra for the session. Albanese is expected to be hounded by the Senate Estimates Committee when he is forced to defend his commitment to transparency, particularly whether his special treatment of a cabin upgrade when he became Transport Minister will affect his decision to reject Qatar Airways’ decision to add routes to and from Australia. After all, Australians benefit in terms of reduced fares if other airlines join in adding routes.

From 2009 to 2013, Albanese was frequently seen on flights in Europe and the United States, where free upgrades from economy to business class brought him significant extra value. As an example, Albanese is a familiar face on the Melbourne-Los Angeles route: his regular business class fare is about A$15,843, while economy is only A$1,458, a price difference of nearly 11 times. The Prime Minister has been criticized for his close relationship with Joyce, the airline’s former president, which may have influenced his decisions on the industry during his time as Transport Minister. However, he emphasized that last year’s call to block Qatar Airways’ request to double the number of its flights in Australia in favor of incumbent suppliers such as Qantas was made by the current Transport Minister, Catherine King. Meanwhile, Albanese said insisted he had never personally asked for a Qantas upgrade and had previously been offered tens of thousands of dollars worth of upgrades by Qantas free of charge and with no strings attached.

Despite the Prime Minister’s insistence that the record is clean, the story is still unfolding. Calls for Qantas to revoke the President’s Lounge membership continued on Monday. Independent Kate Chaney, who represents Curtin in the Western Australian federal electorate, wrote to Qantas on Monday asking for the cancellation of President’s Lounge membership. Fellow federal independent Allegra Spender, who represents the Sydney riding of Wentworth, called on all legislators to say no to the upgrades. Meanwhile, Qantas competitor Virgin has said that more than 90 percent of politicians and their staff choose Qantas flights, which are likely to be more expensive, despite rules that require them to choose cheaper flights. Virgin claims that their preference for Qantas is costing taxpayers tens of millions of extra dollars a year. This begs the question of why politicians choose Qantas. Politicians are accountable to their constituents, and if they accept any gift or form of hospitality from lobbying groups or those with vested interests, they are prone to have a stake in influencing decision-making, which in turn undermines the public’s interest, and thus affects the public’s trust in the government.

Not the Prime Minister’s personal problem
Although the incident was caused by the Prime Minister’s situation being exposed by the media, it is not his personal problem. Qantas has set up “Chairman’s Lounges” at major airports for specially invited guests of the Qantas Chairman, with a variety of high-class lounges, free meals, and business support services, and extended to become a social environment for the privileged to interact with each other, many of whom are business leaders and influential people in the community, and are free of charge to politicians. Many of them are business leaders and influential people in the community, but politicians are invited to attend for free. At present, over 90% of the 227 members of the Australian Parliament are or have been its members, and some of their spouses and children are also invited to become members.

This circle of “power” and “prestige” provides a great means of networking through the fact that everyone needs to fly and can use the Qantas “Chairman’s Lounge” while waiting. This is not the same as the Qantas Club, which is offered by the airline to frequent guests, because the invitations are provided by the airline rather than being open to everyone through set rules. Clearly, this is a private network that is not open to the public, but rather an informal network of the “powerful” and the “wealthy” that has been created by the need for air service.

The most important question is, should the Australian government allow this network? Should Australian politicians join this network?

Transparency is urgently needed
In fact, it is not uncommon for politicians to receive extra treatment. Australian parliamentary guidelines require all elected members to declare gifts worth more than $300, including gifts to family members. It has been revealed that Albanese has accepted more tickets to concerts and sporting events since becoming Prime Minister than his three predecessors combined. Because of his interest in music, Albanese has claimed tickets to ten concerts since his election in 2022. Leader of the Opposition Coalition Dutton’s social calendar is similarly jam-packed, with him receiving 21 passes for sporting events over the same period, from cricket to various National Rugby League NRL matches. Clearly, some councillors are more careful with their declarations than others, with Thornton declaring 99 hotel room upgrades between 2016 and 2019 alone, when he was leader of the opposition Labor Party.

So what about public opinion? In a recent Guardian survey of 1,131 voters, people were asked whether they should accept or reject the fact that ‘many Australian politicians get a lot of special event tickets and perks’. The majority of Australians think politicians should not accept offers or perks, disapproving of politicians attending major concerts (63% vs 23%), receiving free flight upgrades (61% vs 26%), attending major sporting events such as the Melbourne Cup and finals (59% vs 27%) and using VIP airline lounges (58% vs 28%). Around one in seven respondents (14%) were ‘unsure’ whether politicians should receive these. Labour voters were slightly more likely to support accepting gifts from politicians, with around a third (32%) supporting upgraded flights, compared to 27% of Coalition supporters. Independents and small party supporters were particularly opposed, with only 18% agreeing that politicians should upgrade flights.

Moore, chief executive of Transparency International Australia, an Australian anti-corruption organization, also said that while the disclosure of the gifts was a positive step, “there is not enough transparency”. After all, the more fundamental issue is the role of commercial organizations and the close relationship between many large corporations like Qantas and politicians. If this affects government decision-making, it becomes a bigger issue – how this intertwined relationship will affect federal politics in Australia. Openness and transparency are the guarantors of credibility, and when public trust in government plummets, the bedrock of democracy is shaken. Millions of Australians, in particular, are in a very difficult position and expect the political class to show some liberal compassion in this affordability crisis, rather than the ‘extra sting’ of politicians having privileges not available to the public.

Institutional reform is urgent
As servants of the state, politicians enjoy privileges unavailable to ordinary taxpayers, a serious departure from society’s expectations of clean government. Former judge Anthony Wheatley has said that the disclosure system in Australian politics needs to be overhauled to drive big money out of politics. The relationship between the privileged and corporations has become a major obstacle to political transparency in Australia, and the relationship between Albanese and Qantas is a typical case: on the surface, it is a personal privilege storm, but in fact, it reveals a deep-seated transparency crisis in Australian politics. In an era of highly publicized information, it is difficult for any abuse of power to escape public scrutiny. In the face of increasingly stringent public scrutiny, the government needs to realize that the public expects not only verbal promises, but also practical behavioral changes, and furthermore, a profound interrogation and reform of the fairness and transparency of the entire political system, in order to avoid the recurrence of similar situations.

For 3,000 years in China, the emperor has held all the power, and the bureaucracy has governed the society through layers and layers of power distribution. Power corrupts, and this has led to the formation of an extremely powerful system of corruption, and even more frighteningly, corruption has become the culture of the entire society. From the emperor to the common people, everyone accepts that corruption is perfectly acceptable as long as it is not excessive. I still remember the establishment of the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) in Hong Kong in 1974. Apart from investigating corruption cases and bringing the offenders to justice, the ICAC did more than anything else to promote integrity education to adults in the community and students in schools. Of course, many people have criticized the ICAC for not allowing family members of patients to give small red packets to health care workers to thank them for taking good care of their family members, which is considered unsympathetic. It is only after decades of social education that a clean social standard has been established.

If we look at Asian societies, we can see that the collusion between business and the government and the protection of the government in China, and the small state and big plutocrats in Korea, all these have provided negative examples for the Australian political scene. In Korea, for example, the plutocrats have undeniably contributed to the miracle of compressed growth in the Korean economy, and they have risen to prominence through political largesse. As these zaibatsu grew stronger and stronger, they in turn became hostage to politics. Politicians relied on the political and economic resources of the zaibatsu to run for elections, and also relied on the economic growth of the zaibatsu to create political results, and the mutual transfer of benefits and support between politicians and zaibatsu has become the backstage mode of operation of Korea’s constitutional government. As the major plutocrats have been linked to various corruption scandals time and again, the public discontent and controversy caused by the plutocrats’ domination of the country has become more and more intense. On the contrary, Singapore, where “high pay keeps corruption low”, has set a model. After all, the system is more reliable than the people, only through the combination of the system and the leaders, it is possible to fundamentally realize the rule of law and clean government. The authority of Singapore’s “Father of the Nation”, Lee Kuan Yew, was not only to rule the country strictly, but also to rule the government strictly, and even more so to rule the party strictly, and it was an authority based on a set of modern legal system. It is precisely because of this set of institutions that the high pay for honesty and integrity can be effective, and it is only because of this that it can gain the basic recognition of the common people.

The Prime Minister must set an example
Against the backdrop of soaring living costs and increasing economic pressures, Australian voters are desperate for a leader who truly understands their plight, rather than a political elite living in a privileged bubble. In order to rebuild voters’ trust, it is not only necessary for Albanese to give a more transparent explanation of the incident, but also for the political scene as a whole to conduct in-depth reflection and reform. The public expects a more transparent and fairer political environment, where every government decision can stand the test of public scrutiny.

In this regard, Albanese, as the prime minister, has to practise what he preaches, not only by saying that he is clean, but also by letting the society see that he is clean, and by setting a higher standard. The famous phrase “power corrupts” not only indicates that those in power have a tendency to corrupt themselves, but also that those in power are tempted to use their power for their own personal or corporate interests. Therefore, politicians and civil servants at all levels need to be held to a stronger standard of integrity.

When the government provides funding to organizations, it will emphasize that the applicant must not have any conflict of interest, and if possible, must declare it, and it can affect the success of the funding application. Why is it that a Member of this Council is so vocal in insisting that as long as a declaration is made and registered, he can legitimately accept gifts from large corporations? This is clearly a double standard and shows the hypocrisy of the legislators.

It is time for Prime Minister Albanese to make major reforms and educate legislators.

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