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Teal opens up a new election culture – a new opportunity for Chinese to participate in politics

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Independent MP: A possibility

The clearest theme of the 2022 Federal Election was that Australians are extremely dissatisfied with Morrison’s autocratic mode of governance, which had driven the Coalition out of power, and allowed the Labor Party to unexpectedly enter into power, even though the country was still doing well in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic. In fact, at the beginning of the pandemic, Morrison’s popularity was very high, and the Coalition’s performance was not bad, only that the Australian people did not accept a “omnipotent” Prime Minister who thought he knew everything and was in charge of everything. But in this election, the six independent Teal women had become a new force in the Australian parliament. If they are re-elected in the 2025 election, it will mark the beginning of a new era in Australian politics. Two-party politics will end, and those who want to be in power will need to establish a cooperative relationship with the independent minority.

The Menzies electorate in Victoria is examined to see if it is possible for an electorate with a high proportion of ethnic minorities to have independent ethnic minority MP.

In fact, in 2022, in the Fowler constituency of West Sydney, the election of Vietnamese-born Dai Le as an independent legislator after the Labor Party’s bullying of the original candidate Tu Le, who was of Vietnamese descent, and the public outcry over the forced replacement of the former Premier, Kristina Keneally, proved that this is entirely possible. But Menzies is a case of testing the influence of ethnic minorities in an extremely marginalized seat.

Multicultural Australia is moving away from a two-party culture

Since the founding of the Commonwealth, a two-party culture has dominated Australian politics. Australians elect a government govern in majority and expect the opposition party, which is of strength, to oversee the government. When the government fails to govern, Australians look to the opposition to come up with a strategy and give them a chance to try it out. As a result, the ruling party and the opposition party candidates together often get the support of more than 80% of the electorate. However, as Australia’s population grows and immigrants become less familiar with Australia’s history and culture, and less able to recognize the role that the opposition has long played in Australian society, more people are unable to decide which party to support.

Over the past 40 years, there has been a significant increase in support for independent candidates and minor parties in both state and federal elections, reflecting the fact that more and more voters no longer support the major parties. In particular, in the last federal election, many voters voted for Teal independent and minor party candidates.

An analysis after the 2022 election found that less than one-fifth of those who voted for Teal were supporters of the Coalition. This means that the traditional Labor and Green supporters are more likely to be dissatisfied with the policies and instead support a quality candidate who is concerned about climate change but who is well known in the local community. If the Independent Member for Teal is re-elected in this election, it means that voters will likely to seek an alternative to the two major parties or the Greens.

The Menzies constituency is in the spotlight

Many people are disappointed with the performance of the traditional political parties, and believe that the lack of resources and focus on ‘safe constituencies’ has led voters to vote for independent candidates who are closer to the community and are not beholden to political parties. The Menzies constituency may also become a case of independent MP other than Teal being elected in this election.

The Menzies electorate is located in Melbourne’s north-east and covers the multi-cultural communities of Doncaster, Templestowe and Box Hill, as well as a large community  of Chinese electors. The electorate has always been an important stronghold for the Liberal Party, and is considered a safe seat for the Liberal Party as it has not been lost to any other party in the 41 years since it was established in 1984. However, in the 2022 federal election, due to criticism of Morrison’s administration and Keith Wolahan’s replacement of Kevin Andrews, who was forced to retire, the Liberal Party nearly lost to Labor for the first time, making Menzies a marginal seat, which is indicative of a change in the electorate’s voting preferences. Moreover, in October last year, the boundaries of the constituency were revised, and Menzies lost the Warrandyte area, which have been supporting the Liberal Party for a long time, and replaced it with Box Hill and its vicinity, which is theoretically in favour of the Labor Party. Therefore, under the current unsatisfactory situation of the Liberal Party’s Dutton election, whether Menzies independent candidate Stella Yee (余慈英) has a chance to break through has become a hot topic.

Stella Yee: I am not satisfied with either party

Stella Yee is the independent candidate of Menzies in this year’s federal election. She is a Chinese immigrant from Malaysia who migrated to Australia with her family in 2001 and has since lived and worked in Surrey Hills and Doncaster, and is very familiar with the culture and needs of the Menzies community, and has been actively involved in community affairs, participating in Rotary, St Vincent de Paul and founding a monthly community magazine ManninghamLife. In addition to her involvement in community affairs, Stella has always had a vision for a political career, hoping to make a difference to the community through public affairs.

In fact, Stella stood as a Labor candidate for Menzies back in 2019 against 11-term Liberal candidate Kevin Andrews, and was unsuccessful, but it did bring Stella a bit of publicity. Stella decided to go her own way with the Labor Party and ran again as an independent candidate in the 2025 federal election, and we had the opportunity to interview Stella to find out more about her electoral journey. When asked about her reasons for standing in the election, Stella said that Kevin Andrews’ political ideas were out of touch with society and that his stance on human rights issues such as same-sex marriage did not reflect the voices of his constituents. Stella also shared a similar view with many of her constituents, saying that Menzies a safe Liberal constituency, it lacked the impetus to change, and needs his constituents, and was less proactive in fighting for resources and campaigning for his constituents. She thinks that Menzies, as a safe constituency for the Liberal Party, lacks the motivation to change, the needs of the voters ignored, and the MP is less proactive in fighting for resources and responding to the voices of the community. Therefore, she hopes to improve this situation by running in the election.

Speaking of her views on the Labor Party, Stella said outright that she was disappointed with the decisions made by the Labor Party. She pointed out that the decision-making of the Labor Party in recent years has deviated from the expectations of the public. She explained that since 2022, the Labor government has been approving the development of natural gas and coal mines, which is a departure from its initial position on climate policy. In addition, Stella also mentioned that more than 70% of the public clearly wanted to ban the appearance of gambling advertisements, and even the government’s report recommended to follow up on the issue, but in the end, nothing was done. What disappointed her even more was that a Labor Party member was punished by the party for supporting the Green Party’s proposal, which made her realize that the system of traditional political parties could not accommodate diversified views, and that was also the reason why she decided to leave the Labor Party.

One may wonder why Stella chose to join the Labor Party if she was so dissatisfied with its policies. Obviously, Stella was probably looking for a strong platform for her to speak out. Her beliefs at the time may have been closer to those of the Labor Party, and she thought that the Labor Party could be a channel for her to promote progress in the community. Although she was unsuccessful, the experience gave her a clearer understanding of the problems and challenges of the current party system, and allowed her to become more mature in her approach to politics and learn how to truly speak out on behalf of her community.

Opportunities for Chinese Independent Candidates

As a Chinese candidate, Stella has an advantage in Menzies, a district full of Chinese. Not only will she be able to connect with the Chinese voters in her district, but Stella, being a Malaysian Chinese, will not be labelled as “pro-China”, thus avoiding concerns about China’s potential influence on Australian politics. Moreover, as a resident of Menzies for many years, Stella understands the needs of the community, and her political views can remain independent of party ideology. This positioning may help her win support from the Chinese community and bring a new atmosphere to Menzies.

In terms of the voting system, Stella may have a good chance of winning. Under the Australian voting system, voters are required to rank all candidates in order of personal preference. If no candidate receives more than half of the votes in the first round of counting, the candidates with fewer votes will be gradually eliminated, and their votes will be transferred to other candidates according to the voters’ preference. As things stand, the Greens have placed Stella second in the proposed voting order, while Labor has placed her third. Therefore, as long as the Liberal candidate fails to get more than half of the votes in the counting of voting and through the allocation of votes, Stella may win as long as she can get more votes than first the Green and then the Labor candidates.

In reality, as an independent candidate, Stella will face a number of challenges, not least of which is funding. While it is important to put forward effective policies, the key to winning the trust of voters is to raise awareness through community outreach. In this regard, Stella admits that funds are indeed limited, but she has tried her best to publicize her campaign within the limited budget so that more voters can know her. For example, she produces promotional flyers at a discounted price through a familiar printer and relies on a large number of volunteers to help her letter-drop the flyers, thus saving a lot of publicity expenses. Besides, she also actively utilizes Facebook advertisements to promote herself to more voters. According to Stella, she need more dedicated volunteers to help distribute her campaign flyers, and the management and commitment of these volunteers will greatly affect her campaign.

Stella’s publicity efforts are obviously weaker than those of candidates from political parties who have huge resources to support them. A candidate of a political party can make use of the party’s professional team to formulate publicity strategies, and has more resources to organize large-scale community activities and place more advertisements, so as to build up a wider exposure and influence in the constituency. Moreover, being a candidate of a major political party is inherently more likely to attract the attention of voters. Without the resources and background of a political party, it is questionable whether Stella can maintain enough exposure for voters to recognize her and get enough first-past-the-post votes.

Labor’s strategy: Gabriel Ng

In fact, the Labor Party recognized the Liberal Party’s precarious position in Menzies and fielded a Chinese background candidate, Gabriel Ng, whose father is a Singaporean immigrant and whose mother is Australian, but whose not-so-Chinese look have been an asset in his bid for mainstream votes. Gabriel Ng was born and raised in Australia, is a lawyer, and represents the diversity of the second generation of immigrants. Whether he can win the trust of the first generation of Chinese immigrants is likely to be evident in this election.

However, by giving this seat to Gabriel Ng, who is not active in the Chinese community, the Labor Party is obviously trying to win the support of the Chinese. In the past, the Labor Party had failed to win the recognition of the Chinese and mainstream society by supporting Jennifer Yang , who grew up in Taiwan, and made them try the second-generation Southeast Asian immigrants instead. It seems that the Labor Party wants to minimize the controversy over the intricate relationship between these candidates and China, so as to avoid the predicament faced by Yang and the Liberal Party’s Gladys Liu as in the 2019 election.

As Gabriel Ng is nominated by the Labor Party, and like Tu Le in the Vietnamese-dominated constituency of Fowler, the challenge to Keith Wolahan depends on the voters’ loyalty to the Liberal Party.

Keith Wolahan’s chances of winning

In last election, Keith Wolahan swooped in to replace Kevin Andrews as the Liberal candidate, leaving him without the support of some of the traditional Liberal voters and leaving Menzies in a marginal seat. Over the past three years Keith Wolahan has made a real effort to build up his personal popularity and influence in the community. But with Labor in government, he really hasn’t done much for the voters in this area. And it seems that Dutton’s policies are not well received by his constituents, which is not too good for Keith Wolahan.

Keith Wolahan is not very active in building up the Chinese connections, but he does attach great importance to Chinese online publicity, and his promotions have been seen on Chinese social media platforms for a long time. There aren’t many Liberal MPs in Victoria, and he’s already gotten a lot of exposure in his first term. If he can win against the combined attacks of Labor, Greens and Stella Yee, it will show his strength.

Conclusion

The outcome of the Menzies electorate in Victoria will be a great inspiration for the future strategies of the two major parties and for ethnic minorities in politics. If Keith Wolahan of the Liberal Party is re-elected, it will show that the efforts of individual legislators in their constituencies cannot be ignored. If Gabriel Ng wins, the Liberal Party will be even weaker in Victoria. I believe that the Victoria branch of the Liberal Party has to do some soul-searching and review, especially on its strategy towards the ethnic minorities, which should not be ignored. If independent Chinese candidate Stella Yee can win the election with successful vote allocation, just like the Teal in 2022, it opens up another possibility for immigrants to enter politics, that is, when both major political parties have lost the trust of the community, they are able to win the recognition of the major immigrants and the local community, and obtain a certain proportion of basic votes, thus gaining an advantage.

In the next issue of this magazine, we will analyze the results of the election and look at the direction of the political situation in Australia.

Article/Editorial Department Sameway Magazine

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Monocultural, Multicultural, and Intercultural Society

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Liberal Party fails to recognize multiculturalism

The Liberal Party suffered a massive defeat in the federal election, with Leader Dutton losing the Dickson seat he held for 24 years. The Liberal Party elected Sussan Ley as leader and Ted O’Brien as deputy. Ted O’Brien, who has lived in Taiwan for many years to learn Chinese and managed his family’s business in China, is one of the few Liberal leaders who is familiar with Chinese culture. After his election, Ted said that the Liberal Party needed to renew itself and propose policies that would meet the needs of modern Australia, including rethinking its policies on youth, women, migrants and the environment, or else the Liberal Party would be unable to build a relationship with the Australian electorate and its survival would be in doubt.

The Labor Party, which aims to reform the society, regards migrants, especially those from poor countries, as a disadvantaged group. Therefore, the Labor Party’s policies occasionally help migrants to adapt, and most of the leaders of the Labor Party have a more open attitude towards supporting migrants. The Liberal Party has always emphasized on small government and fairness of the system, and its leadership has little experience with immigrant communities, and basically has little understanding of the difficulties migrants encounter in adapting and integrating into the society, and therefore is not enthusiastic in supporting migrants in its policies.

Over the past two decades, Australia has absorbed more than 200,000 immigrants every year. These new migrants have found that the Labor Party has more policies that benefit migrants, and this has been reflected in the fact that migrants have been more supportive of the Labor Party’s governing in the past elections. In this year’s federal election, the Liberal Party’s Dutton blamed migrants for Australia’s economic pressures and housing shortages, and demanded a drastic reduction in the number of migrants, and senior Senator Jane Hume called Chinese Australians “spies”, which made many migrants detest the Liberal Party. If the Liberal Party still fails to recognize and respond to the reality that Australia has become a multicultural society, we can foresee that the Liberal Party is likely to disappear from the Australian political scene.

 

Lack of multicultural experience among societal and political leaders

Before the abolition of the White Australia Policy in the 1970s, Australia was a white society, and even the Aboriginal people, who were the owners of the land, were denied and ignored. The Chinese used to make up more than 15% of Australia’s population during the Gold Rush era, but under the White Australia Policy, less than 1% of Chinese Australians remained in the 1970s. In terms of today’s universal values, the Australian government had implemented a “non-violent” policy of genocide. In fact, the Stolen Generation’s policy of handing over Aboriginal babies to white people for upbringing and education was similar. The Racial Discrimination Act of the 1970s officially ended this phase of Australia’s history, but it did not mean that Australia immediately entered a multicultural society.

Australians born before the 1990s grew up with very little contact with people of other ethnicities in their communities and lives, so racial discrimination was rampant at that time. Nowadays, most of the Australian leaders in their 40s and 50s were born in the 1980s or before. Although they accept the diversity of the Australian society today, they have never had much personal experiences with multicultural communities or migrants, and therefore seldom consider things from the perspective of a multicultural society in their policy implementation or management. For example, many managers of mainstream organizations or enterprises deeply understand that they need to enter the multicultural community in order to continue their current market or organizational goals, but they do not know how to intertct with hese communities. In Australian society, the Australian Football League (AFL) have demonstrated a determination and experience to become multicultural, as many of the AFL’s past leaders have come from multicultural backgrounds.

Similar scenarios are reflected in politics and social management, that is, when the government implements a policy, it often fails to get a response from the whole society. For example, the NDIS, which was legislated in 2013, still has less than 9% of participants from multicultural backgrounds, which is less than 40% of the original expectation. Obviously, a policy that aims to benefit people with disabilities across the country has failed to reach out to ethnic minority communities, and has resulted in many cases of abuse and misuse. It  is totally unacceptable but little complaints has been made by neither mainstream Australians nor ethnic communities. Other example is services to help families troubled by gambling, which have not been used by many migrants for a long time. For many years, the organizations concerned thought that the problem was that migrants were reluctant to use their counseling services, but the truth is that these services are provided according to the Western individualistic medical model, rather than seeing gambling as a social problem that brings difficulties to the family members, let alone dealing with the problem by promoting it to the multicultural community. During the Covid pandemic, the Victorian government’s publicity of anti-epidemic measures neglected the role of multicultural media, which initially led to a situation where the infection and death rates of overseas-born people were twice as high as those of local-born people in the.early days.

 

Diversity in Australian Society

The Australian Bureau of Statistics recently announced that the proportion of overseas-born Australians in the population has increased to 31.5%, in response to the large number of migrants to Australia over the last 20 years. Until the early 1990s, the proportion of foreign-born people was not as high as this, and most of these people came from the United Kingdom, which was close to their cultural background, so the Australian society was not pluralistic, and it could be said that Australia was a monocultural British society at that time. At the time of the founding of the Liberal Party, Robert Menzies was confronted with such a monocultural society. Nowadays, Australia is the most multicultural society in the world. Obviously, the design and implementation of policies must take this factor into consideration.

The Labor Party’s support for multiculturalism basically allows immigrants to continue to retain their native customs, festivals and celebrations, and to tolerate each other in order to maintain respect and peace among communities. Such a society does not mean that there is communication or integration between communities. In fact, a society with no communication or integration will easily be segregated nto competing and opposing groups. It is not easy to maintain harmony and cohesion in such a society.

Last year, the Labor Party released the Multicultural Framework Review report, which was the Australian government’s first attempt to explore what kind of multicultural society Australia could become. The Commonwealth Government has so far indicated that it is also willing to provide funding support to take forward the report’s recommendations to further the realization of the framework. The report’s emphasis on the creation of a multicultural society in Australia, beginning with the recognition that Australian society started from Aboriginals, rather than solely a colonial society created by the British, is a progressive perspective in which migrants of different cultures are welcomed and accepted as part of the Australian society and culture. This means that Australia should not be a society divided by different cultural communities, but rather a modern Australia that integrates and embraces cultures from different places.

 

Integration into Intercultural

In order to build an integrated and inclusive society, the government has a responsibility to help migrants from all sides of the world, especially those from authoritarian societies, to experience Australian values that are different from their own, including freedom, equality, the rule of law, and human rights. Of course, migrants from non-English speaking backgrounds need to learn English and try to engage with the wider community, rather than being isolated in a culturally homogeneous migrant community.

For young migrants, this is not too difficult. Through the work environment, through life contacts, through community involvement, we see that the new generation is integrating without great difficulty. But for first generation immigrants, it is the government’s responsibility to create opportunities for them to gain exposure and experience in integration. This does not mean that the government is giving resources to migrants as a form of welfare, but rather as an investment by the community in migrants to integrate them into Australian society in the short term, so that they can contribute to Australian society as soon as possible. Such a policy would bring positive returns to the community, and would enable the migration program to maximize the social contribution of the elite settling in Australia.

Another group that has been neglected for a long time is those who were born and raised in the mainstream society. The government should also provide opportunities for them to develop through exposure to multiculturalism. For example, many traditional churches in Australia have been unable to absorb multicultural Christians and have eventually shrunk or even closed down. This is the result of not being able to keep up with the societal changes.

The unwritten expectation of Australian society has always been that newcomers will become mainstream Australians. I believe this is impossible. The challenge for Australia today is for all Australians, immigrants and native Australians (including Aboriginal Australians), to transform and integrate into modern Australians.

 

Mr. Raymond Chow

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Chinese Aboriginals – A History that may Precede Captain Cook

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Last Friday, a book launch at the University of Melbourne’s AsiaLink Sidney Myer Centre brought out a powerful message. The Aboriginal people who have lived in Australia for more than 60,000 years are not just modern-day ‘living fossils’. Throughout their history, they have had contact with islanders from the South Pacific and explorers from Japan and East Asia in search of a better life, and they have been a part of Aboriginal culture. Mr. Zhou Xiaoping, an artist living amongst the Aboriginal people, compiled “Our Story: Aboriginal Chinese People in Australit” to introduce Aboriginal Chinese to Australians. Mr. Zhou’s research is now on display at the National Museum in Canberra, and through the book, “Our Stories”, some of the voices of Aboriginal Chinese are being presented to the Australian community.

 

Forgotten Chinese

In recent years, the voices of the Chinese community have started to be heard in Australia’s multicultural society. Concerns have been raised about the welfare of first-generation Chinese elders, as well as the education of their children and their lives. However, there is a group of Chinese who have long been forgotten, not only by the Chinese or the mainstream community, but also by themselves who have had little contact with other Chinese immigrants: they are the Chinese Aboriginal people, whose identity was often forgotten by the society until recently.

It is only in recent years, with the efforts of scholars, artists and community workers, that this hidden part of history has begun to emerge. One such artist is Chinese-Australian artist Zhou Xiaoping. Recently, he and his team have interviewed this group of mixed-race descendants of Chinese and Aboriginal people who are living among the Aboriginal community to tell their own stories through an exhibition and a book, “Our Stories”, to bring the existence of Aboriginal Chinese into the public eye again.

For Chinese immigrants who have settled in Australia in recent years, or who have been living in the mainstream Australian society since the Gold Rush era, it may never have occurred to us that some of the Aboriginal people, who have a history of 60,000 years and are regarded as the “living fossils” of the modern age, have Chinese cultural heritage since the Gold Rush era. Some Aboriginal leaders even believe that the contact between Chinese and Aboriginal people predates the British declaration of Australia as an uninhabited land. If contact between the Chinese and the Aborigines had been established earlier, then the Aborigines would not be the “living fossils” that the British claimed they were.

 

Who are the Aboriginal Chinese?

For many newcomers, the first impression of Australia is of a white-dominated, English-speaking society with a colonial past. But the cultural roots of this land are much more complex than that. Aboriginal communities have lived here for tens of thousands of years, and these communities are widely dispersed, with more than 250 language groups, each with their own unique language, culture and lifestyle. They have a deep connection to the land. Aboriginal people do not have the concept of private property, nor do they settle along rivers like other ancient peoples. Instead, they lived in groups, roamed the same area, and made their living by picking natural plants or simply growing them. They believed that people did not own the land, but belonged to it, and were “custodians of the land”, representing it and welcoming others to share its produce. This is why Aboriginal people are often invited to lead welcoming ceremonies at major events in Australia today.

Before the Gold Rush, as early as the 1840s, contract laborers from Xiamen, China, arrived in Australia to work as sheepherders to fill the demand for labor. They did not live in the big cities, even Melbourne was not yet developed. These Chinese sheep herders were scattered around the countryside on farms. Later, the gold rush that swept through Australia, and the establishment of New Gold Mountain in Victoria, attracted more Chinese immigrants to settle in places like Ballarat to participate in gold mining.

Initially, Aboriginal attitudes towards Asian immigrants were the same as those towards European colonizers – they were all foreigners, strangers entering a traditional territory. Interaction was limited by language and cultural differences. However, under colonial expansion and the White Australia Policy, both Aboriginal and Chinese were discriminated against and ostracized, and this common situation unexpectedly brought them closer together.

As the Aboriginal system of closed marriages was destroyed, some Chinese began to intermarry with Aboriginal people to form families, resulting in the birth of Aboriginal descendants of Chinese descent. Their stories are testimonies of how they have crossed cultural boundaries and traumatized by history.

 

Journey to the Roots: From Confusion to Recognition

In Our Stories, a book curated by Zhou Xiaoping, a number of Aboriginal Chinese descendants are interviewed. In Our Stories, Zhou interviewed a number of Aboriginal Chinese descendants who have pieced together their roots through the memories of their grandparents, family legends and historical archives. Some grew up wondering why they looked different from other Aboriginal people, until one day they asked, “Why do I look different? This began the journey of finding their roots.

“I don’t know how to explain who I am because I don’t know myself,” said one respondent.  It was only through oral family narratives and self-study that he slowly came to understand his cultural and historical origins.

Broome, a small town of 14,000 people in the far north of Western Australia, has been a center of multiculturalism since the 19th century. Chinatown, in the heart of the city, is a symbol of this multiculturalism. Its history dates back to the end of the 19th century, when Broome quickly became the center of the pearl industry due to the abundance of shells, attracting migrants from China and Japan to work in the pearl mining industry. In today’s cemetery in Broome, there are more than 900 graves of settlers from Japan. Not only Chinese and Japanese, Broome was also a place where Malays, Pacific Islanders, Filipinos and others came to settle. Broome was not affected by the “White Australia Policy” of the time, as its bead mining industry relied heavily on the skills of Asian divers.

These Asian immigrants lived mainly in what came to be known as ‘Chinatown’, alongside the local Aboriginal Yawuru community. The architecture of Chinatown at the time was unique, blending Asian architectural features with the local climate, resulting in sturdy corrugated iron buildings with reddish-green beams and columns, a fusion of East and West.

One respondent said, “Broome is a place where people know that we can live together from different countries”. These words are a testament to the reality of the history of the Broome.

 

Chinese immigrants and ‘custodians of the land’

Aboriginal Australians do not see themselves as ‘landowners’, but as custodians of the land. Their culture is so closely tied to the land that even today, when most of them live in modern cities, they continue to carry on their traditions in different ways.

In various public settings, “Welcome to Country” or “Acknowledgement of Country” have become commonplace. These ceremonies remind us that this land belongs first and foremost to the Aboriginal people, and that this recognition is not only a ritual, but also a form of revision and respect for history.

However, on this year’s ANZAC Day, when former Opposition Leader Dutton openly objected to the ‘welcoming ceremony’, it once again triggered a discussion on historical memory and respect. What is the minimum respect for the past? Who is qualified to define “Australian”?

Since the end of the White Australia Policy in 1973, Australia has re-admitted migrants from different countries, but there are still many Australians who have yet to embrace multiculturalism. There has been a rapid growth in Chinese migrants from China, Hong Kong, Taiwan and Southeast Asia. In practice, however, many migrant families face the tensions of cultural identity: first-generation immigrants struggling to establish themselves in a foreign land, with language and cultural barriers, but still wanting to pass on their culture to the next generation. Their children, on the other hand, have grown up in a Western educational system and are often caught between two values: being seen as outsiders and being expected to be a ‘model minority’. How can outsiders be accepted and integrated by the indigenous people?

Against this backdrop, the stories of the indigenous Chinese provide a different perspective. Their experience is even more complex: they are both Chinese and Aboriginal, but often not fully accepted by either. They are not only the absentees of history, but also the victims of institutionalized forgetfulness. In Our Story, however, they speak of the complexity, or rather the diversity, of their identities, but also of the protection of their land, and perhaps this is one of the things that immigrants need to learn. Perhaps this is the point that immigrants need to learn.

 

Earlier than Captain Cook

The keynote speaker at the book launch of Our Story was Melbourne University anthropologist and geographer Professor Marcia Langton. Langton, 74, is not only a distinguished scholar, but also a renowned author and Aboriginal rights advocate, a Queenslander of Yiman and Bidjara Aboriginal descent, who traveled around Australia as a schoolboy, worked hard to become a scholar, and has been a longtime campaigner for Aboriginal rights. Langton said that Australians have always thought that Aboriginal culture is old and outdated and cannot keep up with modern society, but they have never thought that Aboriginal people have had contact with other ethnic groups in the past tens of thousands of years before the white people came to Australia.

Langton believes that a deeper study of Aboriginal culture can reveal Australia’s most multicultural traditions, and that Aboriginal culture is the starting point of a multicultural Australia.

 

Multiculturalism is more than superficial

Australia has been a multicultural nation since the 1970s. From the implementation of multiculturalism policies since the 1970s, to the release of the Multiculturalism Framework Review report in late July 2024, it has been emphasized that multiculturalism is at the heart of the nation’s social structure, and that the freedom of language, religion and cultural practices of different ethnic groups must be guaranteed in law. However, this kind of pluralism sometimes remains on the surface. Every year during the Lunar New Year, dragon and lion dances and Chinese art are used to decorate public institutions. This kind of ritual becomes a symbol of political correctness, but it does not help to truly understand and respect cultural differences. The structural problems of poverty, lack of education and health resources for Aboriginals, and the discrimination and misunderstanding of the Chinese community in the mainstream media are still deeply rooted in the non-European white community, resulting in the phenomenon of so-called ‘depoliticized multiculturalism’.

Such multiculturalism maintains a consumerist cultural identity, but does not truly deconstruct the white-centered social structure. The existence of Aboriginal Chinese is a challenge to this institutionalized forgetfulness. Excluded from the mainstream Chinese narrative and not included in Aboriginal or colonial history, they are ghosts of history. If we do not face up to this past, contemporary multiculturalism will only remain superficial and will not be able to promote real social integration.

Therefore, true cultural integration does not only require minority groups to give up their ego to cater to the mainstream, but also allows each identity to be seen, understood and respected. Just as Zhou Xiaoping has brought Aboriginal culture to Chinese communities in China and Australia through his art, he has also brought Chinese culture into the Aboriginal world. His action is not just an art exhibition, but a starting point for cross-cultural dialogues.

Listening to one more story and recognizing one more piece of history is the first step to dismantle prejudices and gaps.

For many Chinese, their knowledge of Aboriginal people is still limited, even in the form of travel guides or media stereotypes. But when we begin to understand that those who are Chinese, but not like us, are also a mix of Aboriginal people, and how they live with people of different nationalities in their communities, we realize that multiculturalism in Australia is not a product of policy, but a reality that has existed for a long time in the depths of history.

As one of the interviewees in Our Stories says, “My ancestors came here a hundred years ago, and although we’ve been unspoken of for a long time, we’ve never forgotten who we are”. Such voices remind us that identity is not a single lineage or language, but a weave of histories, memories and experiences.

These are the stories that will help us understand what it means to be ‘Australian’ again, and that will open up more possibilities for imagining Australia’s future.

 

Article/Editorial Department, Sameway Magazine

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Investing in an integrating InterCultural Society

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The Australian Bureau of Statistics recently released data showing that 31.5% of Australia’s population are immigrants born outside of Australia. Excluding about 6% who came from the UK and New Zealand, this means that over 25% are from countries not governed by democratic regimes. In the recent Australian federal election, the combined vote share of the Liberal and Labor parties continued to decline. In many marginal seats, the affiliation of multicultural communities with political parties determined the election outcome. This shows that immigrants who were not born in Australia now play an important role in Australian politics.

Research from both major parties shows that immigrant communities tend to support the Labor Party. The reason is clear: Labor’s policies lean toward promoting multicultural development and establishing closer relationships with leaders of immigrant communities, these had made strong impacts. Labor is more accepting of the fact that immigrants need assistance when starting a new life in Australia, and immigrant communities are also more proactive in seeking support from Labor. If the Liberal Party ignores this reality and does not make adjustments, it will find it increasingly difficult to promote its ideals within immigrant communities in the future—losing ground is almost inevitable.

Objectively speaking, not many immigrants pay close attention to party ideologies or political platforms. In fact, these 25% of immigrants often had little political power or opportunities for political participation in their countries of origin. After becoming Australian citizens, they know they are required to vote as part of their civic duties and rights, but Australian society has never taught them how to choose or how to cast their sacred vote.

We must understand that today’s world has become a knowledge-based society. When students enter the university or new members join a company, orientation and workplace cultural integration are important. If new immigrants—many of whom grew up in authoritarian countries—are not given exposures in democratic processes, it is extremely dangerous and could even increase the risk of societal disintegration. Without promoting democratic engagement and integration into Australian society through ethnic minority media, and allowing immigrants to remain under the influence of their original homeland’s media, the outcome is to slow down their integration into Australia, which is extremely detrimental to Australia’s long-term social development.

Today’s immigrants, especially Chinese immigrants, are generally highly educated. When they come to Australia, they have the potential to quickly become a driving force for Australia’s social and economic development. If Australia promotes integrating interculturalism—actively leveraging the international visions and homeland connections of new immigrants as to develop its service industries and to enhance global export—it can further stimulate economic growth.

It is time for Australian society to “modernize”: not only by attracting talented individuals from around the world who can contribute to society, but also by providing more support to immigrants so they can become pillars of societal development. This support is not about giving special welfare benefits (honestly, the proportion of such immigrants who rely on social welfare is not high), but rather an instant investment in their social integration—one that no political party can afford to ignore.

 

Mr. Raymond Chow, the Publisher of Sameway Magazine

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