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How a historic victory really happens

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Last Saturday’s 2025 Australian federal election was a historic landslide victory for the Labor Party, led by Prime Minister Albanese. Labor, led by Prime Minister Albanese, won a historic landslide victory, winning at least 87 seats so far, far more than the 76 seats needed to form a majority government. This is the first time since the formation of the federal government in 1901 that the Labor Party has expanded its seat count in a re-election and has reshaped the national political landscape. Labor not only managed to take a number of seats from the Liberals in Queensland, but also made significant gains in key marginal electorates in Tasmania and Western Sydney. In contrast, the Liberals suffered a major defeat under Dutton’s leadership, losing not only the mid-range election, but also Dutton’s own seat in Dickson, which he had held for 24 years, making him the first opposition leader in Australian political history to lose a seat in a general election.

It has been suggested that the result of the 2025 federal election marks a significant turning point in Australia’s political evolution. Since the formation of the federal government, Australia’s political ecology has been dominated by two major parties, Labor and the Liberal Party, which has resulted in a stable system of two-party rotation. Under this system, when one of the parties gains a majority of seats, it becomes the ruling party, while the losing party becomes the opposition party, which not only monitors the government’s administration, but also prepares for the next election victory. In many cases, the difference in the number of seats won by the two parties is not very large. This time, the Labor Party won more than 60% of the seats in its re-election bid, which is rare in history.

Prior to the 1980s, Australia’s economic structure was dominated by agriculture, and the political center of gravity was therefore more in favor of the Liberal-National coalition, which represented rural and conservative interests, while Labor was often in the position of the opposition party. However, after the Rudd-led Labor Party defeated the Howard government in 2007, and caused Howard to lose in the electorate, this stable political situation began to change, and party turnover became frequent. In this federal election, Albanese became the first Prime Minister since Howard to lead a party to a second term, symbolizing Labor’s return to a dominant position and marking a major milestone for the party.

 

Mandatory voting key to Labor victory

Just because Labor won the 2025 election by a large margin does not mean that all voters are satisfied with its performance over the past three years. In fact, many Australians were still unhappy with the high cost of living, heavy housing burdens and slow wage growth before the election, and were even disappointed with the Labor government’s effectiveness in dealing with these issues.

However, under Australia’s mandatory voting system, all eligible voters must vote or be fined, so many voters had to make a choice even though they were dissatisfied with the ruling party. And because the Liberal Party, as the opposition party, was even more confused in this election, many voters ended up choosing the Labor Party, which was not as bad. To put it bluntly, they voted for the Labor Party out of distrust and unacceptance of the Liberal Party, not out of enthusiastic support for the Labor Party.

Take Victoria as an example, people’s swing towards the Labor Party in the two-party preference voting was only 1.8%, and the Labor Party’s primary vote only slightly increased by about 1%. It can be seen that voters’ support for the Labor Party in Victoria has not increased significantly, but is more like the result of having to choose. For these voters who are dissatisfied with the Labor Party’s performance, despite their grievances, they have no choice but to cast their votes to the incumbent ruling party in the face of an opposition party with confusing policies and a tarnished image, so as to seek for a seemingly more stable government. This is another aspect of the reality of the mandatory voting system. Votes are sometimes cast not out of trust and hope, but out of disappointment and rejection of another option.

Liberal Party’s boom and bust dragged down by ‘Trump’ persona?

Since the end of 2023, Australia’s opposition Coalition Leader David Dutton has maintained his lead in the polls and is seen as a formidable challenger. At the beginning of the year, polls showed Labor and the Liberals neck and neck, which boosted the morale of the conservatives. Dutton, who has been dubbed “Australia’s Trump”, has become more hard-line and conservative, advocating a crackdown on immigration and a reduction in the number of federal civil servants, a stance that is highly similar to that of U.S. President Donald Trump.

Dutton has not only publicly praised Trump on many occasions, but has even emulated his policies. Earlier in the year, polls showed that 34 percent of Australians thought he was the best candidate for prime minister to deal with Trump, but much of that perception came from the similarity in the two men’s images rather than out of trust.

On January 20, 2025, the day Trump was sworn in as President of the United States, the Australian Coalition also had a 51.1% approval rating, ahead of the ruling Labor Party’s 48.9%. Right-wing thinking seemed to be sweeping across the Western world. Only 40% of Australians thought Trump’s election was bad for Australia.

But Dutton was no Trump. He’s a tough guy, but he lacks a track record. During the election, Mr. Dutton made a number of gaffes, made unclear policies, and even proposed controversial policies such as drastic cuts to the public service and nuclear energy. This style of leadership has caused many voters to feel a lack of stability, and has even provoked alarm and resentment towards ultra-conservative politics.

At the same time, Trump’s controversial policies around the world are beginning to generate more opposition. By March 2025, dissatisfaction with Trump in Australia had risen to 60%, and climbed to 68% before the election. This anti-Trump sentiment quickly spread to other countries as well. Four days before the election in Australia, the Liberal Party in Canada took advantage of the public’s dislike of Trump to defeat the Conservative Party and become the ruling party. This seems to indicate that many elections around the world have been deeply affected by the Trump effect, with people becoming increasingly disenchanted with conservative forces.

This sentiment is also reflected in the shift in traditional vote share in the Australian election. According to census data, the Liberal Party retained only five of the 50 highest-income electorates in the country. In this election, voters in high-income electorates generally shifted from supporting the Liberal Party to Labor or independent candidates, with about half of the electorates swinging by more than 4%. This can be partly attributed to the fact that the middle class, affected by the US trade war, lost confidence in the economic outlook and switched to the Labor Party, which has more protection for them.

Speaking to The Australian, Mr. Dutton said Trump was “not someone to be feared, but a partner we can work closely with” and that the two were “easier to get along with”. Earlier too, 34% of respondents thought that Dutton would be suitable to deal with Trump, while only 18% thought Albanese would be more suitable. But as the US continues to push for trade protectionism, many Australians are coming to realize that what they really need is not a leader who can “get along” with Trump, but a prime minister who will stand firm against his policies.

What’s even more ironic is that in a post-election interview, US President Donald Trump said, “Albanese is a very friendly friend of mine …… I don’t know the other guy he ran against”, a statement that seemed to erase Dutton’s admiration and emulation of Trump for the entirety of his campaign, which ultimately appeared to be just wishful thinking. In the end, it seems to be just his wishful thinking – or is he just a throwaway move?

Furthermore, unlike the American electoral system, Australia has mandatory voting, and the electorate structure is more representative of overall public opinion. Under such a system, an anti-immigrant stance in a multicultural country with a high proportion of highly educated immigrants is an electoral disadvantage.

When Trump’s trade policies triggered global economic turmoil, more Australians realized the potential threat. Had Mr. Dutton responded to Trump’s election with a more detached, clear-cut approach, the situation today might have been more favorable for him. Instead, Dutton’s repeated association with Trump further dragged the race down and ultimately led the Coalition from a lead to a rout.

 

Voters prefered Local Policies to Noble Left-Wing Ideas

While ideology does have an impact on the direction of the vote, in today’s economically stressed society, ideals are not food. This is most evident in the Green Party’s loss. As the largest minority party in Parliament, the Greens have long advocated left-wing ideas, emphasizing environmental protection, social justice, democracy and peace, and had 11 seats in the Senate and 4 in the House of Representatives, with their support rate rising steadily.

However, the Greens suffered a crushing defeat in this election, and may even lose all seats in the House of Representatives. Even the Melbourne electorate, which has been held steadily by party leader Bent since 2010, is at risk.

It is worth noting that the Australian Federal House of Representatives uses a preferential voting system. Unlike other jurisdictions, voters must rank all candidates in order of preference. If the first choice is not elected, the votes are shifted in that order until a candidate receives a majority of support. Traditionally, the Liberal vote has favored the Greens, making it possible for a Green candidate to overtake Labor. However, this time, the Liberal Party received fewer votes, which in turn led to fewer votes being allocated to the Greens, and the Greens may lose all seats in the House.

Meanwhile, although the Labor Party also emphasizes on human rights and tolerance, it has obviously toned down its idealistic slogans in this election, focusing more on livelihood policies instead, and portraying an image of being close to the people.

The core issue of this election is undoubtedly the public grievances triggered by the cost of living crisis. Theoretically, this should have been an election in which the Liberal Party would have had an edge, after all, the party has long boasted of its ability to manage the economy. However, Dutton’s repeated attempts to be pro-people have backfired. For example, he cited his own son as an example of the housing difficulties of young people, only to be revealed as the owner of a number of properties. He was also challenged for “going off the reservation” when he put the price of an egg at A$4.20 during the debate. In contrast, the Labor Party has been vigorously promoting livelihood policies, emphasizing that social welfare will not be reduced, expanding free medical and healthcare services, and proposing tax cuts for all, giving voters the impression that the government is taking livelihood issues seriously. In addition, most of the candidates of the Labor Party are political veterans without any political baggage, which has successfully impressed the voters and stabilized the base.

 

How migrants Voted?

The Liberal Party’s main policy theme is to blame immigrants for Australia’s cost of living and economic problems, so cutting immigration has become the focus of his solution, the same as Trump. Criticisms of Chinese immigrants, including the perception of Chinese immigrants as Chinese spies, have further cost the Liberal Party almost all of the electorates with a large Chinese population.

It is important to remember that most immigrants do not grow up in democratically elected countries and do not have a good understanding of the development of Australian society, so it is not easy for them to understand how party policies affect social development. For many immigrants, they only look at which party’s policies are favorable to their lives. The Liberal Party has always emphasized the equality of all people, and has seldom provided policies and resources to promote the development of a multicultural society. Therefore, it has been said that the Liberal Party does not care about immigrants. If the Liberal Party fails to change this concept, the main reason for the depletion of votes for the party is that it has not been able to get the first generation of immigrants to recognize, understand and support its policies.

The Scanlon Social Cohesion Study 2024 shows that Australians generally believe and support the contribution of immigrants to Australian society despite the increased pressures of life. One explanation for this is that the majority of Australians have been migrants for the past two or three generations, and therefore it is widely recognized that it is the responsibility of the government to set up policies to help migrants integrate into the community.

 

People’s livelihood matters

The future of Australian politics will undoubtedly depend on whether the government can effectively respond to people’s livelihoods. As mentioned earlier, even if Labor wins this election, it may not reflect the people’s wishes. Voters may be motivated to vote out of dissatisfaction with the opposition parties, or they may be constrained by the compulsory voting system, or the votes of the supporters of small parties may eventually go to the big parties. Under such circumstances, in order to consolidate its support, the Labor Party has to solve real livelihood problems such as the soaring cost of living as soon as possible in order to gain long-term trust.

In addition, as a trading economy, how to renegotiate economic and trade relations with the US will also be one of the issues of great concern to voters. In the face of the trend of protectionism in the US, the Australian government needs to strike a balance between safeguarding domestic interests and maintaining diplomatic stability.

As for the Liberal Party, although it has lost almost all of its seats in some constituencies in this election and the situation is uncertain, crisis often breeds opportunities. The key lies in whether the Liberal Party truly understands the aspirations of its voters – what kind of leadership are they looking for? Is it hard-line and out-of-touch internally, but nice externally? Or is it caring on the inside and resolute on the outside?

If the Labor Party fails to fulfill its election promises and public opinion rebounds, the Liberal Party will have a chance to make a comeback. However, the prerequisite is that they must thoroughly rethink their current line and rebuild their trust with the public.

 

Article/Editorial Department Sameway Magazine

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Monocultural, Multicultural, and Intercultural Society

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Liberal Party fails to recognize multiculturalism

The Liberal Party suffered a massive defeat in the federal election, with Leader Dutton losing the Dickson seat he held for 24 years. The Liberal Party elected Sussan Ley as leader and Ted O’Brien as deputy. Ted O’Brien, who has lived in Taiwan for many years to learn Chinese and managed his family’s business in China, is one of the few Liberal leaders who is familiar with Chinese culture. After his election, Ted said that the Liberal Party needed to renew itself and propose policies that would meet the needs of modern Australia, including rethinking its policies on youth, women, migrants and the environment, or else the Liberal Party would be unable to build a relationship with the Australian electorate and its survival would be in doubt.

The Labor Party, which aims to reform the society, regards migrants, especially those from poor countries, as a disadvantaged group. Therefore, the Labor Party’s policies occasionally help migrants to adapt, and most of the leaders of the Labor Party have a more open attitude towards supporting migrants. The Liberal Party has always emphasized on small government and fairness of the system, and its leadership has little experience with immigrant communities, and basically has little understanding of the difficulties migrants encounter in adapting and integrating into the society, and therefore is not enthusiastic in supporting migrants in its policies.

Over the past two decades, Australia has absorbed more than 200,000 immigrants every year. These new migrants have found that the Labor Party has more policies that benefit migrants, and this has been reflected in the fact that migrants have been more supportive of the Labor Party’s governing in the past elections. In this year’s federal election, the Liberal Party’s Dutton blamed migrants for Australia’s economic pressures and housing shortages, and demanded a drastic reduction in the number of migrants, and senior Senator Jane Hume called Chinese Australians “spies”, which made many migrants detest the Liberal Party. If the Liberal Party still fails to recognize and respond to the reality that Australia has become a multicultural society, we can foresee that the Liberal Party is likely to disappear from the Australian political scene.

 

Lack of multicultural experience among societal and political leaders

Before the abolition of the White Australia Policy in the 1970s, Australia was a white society, and even the Aboriginal people, who were the owners of the land, were denied and ignored. The Chinese used to make up more than 15% of Australia’s population during the Gold Rush era, but under the White Australia Policy, less than 1% of Chinese Australians remained in the 1970s. In terms of today’s universal values, the Australian government had implemented a “non-violent” policy of genocide. In fact, the Stolen Generation’s policy of handing over Aboriginal babies to white people for upbringing and education was similar. The Racial Discrimination Act of the 1970s officially ended this phase of Australia’s history, but it did not mean that Australia immediately entered a multicultural society.

Australians born before the 1990s grew up with very little contact with people of other ethnicities in their communities and lives, so racial discrimination was rampant at that time. Nowadays, most of the Australian leaders in their 40s and 50s were born in the 1980s or before. Although they accept the diversity of the Australian society today, they have never had much personal experiences with multicultural communities or migrants, and therefore seldom consider things from the perspective of a multicultural society in their policy implementation or management. For example, many managers of mainstream organizations or enterprises deeply understand that they need to enter the multicultural community in order to continue their current market or organizational goals, but they do not know how to intertct with hese communities. In Australian society, the Australian Football League (AFL) have demonstrated a determination and experience to become multicultural, as many of the AFL’s past leaders have come from multicultural backgrounds.

Similar scenarios are reflected in politics and social management, that is, when the government implements a policy, it often fails to get a response from the whole society. For example, the NDIS, which was legislated in 2013, still has less than 9% of participants from multicultural backgrounds, which is less than 40% of the original expectation. Obviously, a policy that aims to benefit people with disabilities across the country has failed to reach out to ethnic minority communities, and has resulted in many cases of abuse and misuse. It  is totally unacceptable but little complaints has been made by neither mainstream Australians nor ethnic communities. Other example is services to help families troubled by gambling, which have not been used by many migrants for a long time. For many years, the organizations concerned thought that the problem was that migrants were reluctant to use their counseling services, but the truth is that these services are provided according to the Western individualistic medical model, rather than seeing gambling as a social problem that brings difficulties to the family members, let alone dealing with the problem by promoting it to the multicultural community. During the Covid pandemic, the Victorian government’s publicity of anti-epidemic measures neglected the role of multicultural media, which initially led to a situation where the infection and death rates of overseas-born people were twice as high as those of local-born people in the.early days.

 

Diversity in Australian Society

The Australian Bureau of Statistics recently announced that the proportion of overseas-born Australians in the population has increased to 31.5%, in response to the large number of migrants to Australia over the last 20 years. Until the early 1990s, the proportion of foreign-born people was not as high as this, and most of these people came from the United Kingdom, which was close to their cultural background, so the Australian society was not pluralistic, and it could be said that Australia was a monocultural British society at that time. At the time of the founding of the Liberal Party, Robert Menzies was confronted with such a monocultural society. Nowadays, Australia is the most multicultural society in the world. Obviously, the design and implementation of policies must take this factor into consideration.

The Labor Party’s support for multiculturalism basically allows immigrants to continue to retain their native customs, festivals and celebrations, and to tolerate each other in order to maintain respect and peace among communities. Such a society does not mean that there is communication or integration between communities. In fact, a society with no communication or integration will easily be segregated nto competing and opposing groups. It is not easy to maintain harmony and cohesion in such a society.

Last year, the Labor Party released the Multicultural Framework Review report, which was the Australian government’s first attempt to explore what kind of multicultural society Australia could become. The Commonwealth Government has so far indicated that it is also willing to provide funding support to take forward the report’s recommendations to further the realization of the framework. The report’s emphasis on the creation of a multicultural society in Australia, beginning with the recognition that Australian society started from Aboriginals, rather than solely a colonial society created by the British, is a progressive perspective in which migrants of different cultures are welcomed and accepted as part of the Australian society and culture. This means that Australia should not be a society divided by different cultural communities, but rather a modern Australia that integrates and embraces cultures from different places.

 

Integration into Intercultural

In order to build an integrated and inclusive society, the government has a responsibility to help migrants from all sides of the world, especially those from authoritarian societies, to experience Australian values that are different from their own, including freedom, equality, the rule of law, and human rights. Of course, migrants from non-English speaking backgrounds need to learn English and try to engage with the wider community, rather than being isolated in a culturally homogeneous migrant community.

For young migrants, this is not too difficult. Through the work environment, through life contacts, through community involvement, we see that the new generation is integrating without great difficulty. But for first generation immigrants, it is the government’s responsibility to create opportunities for them to gain exposure and experience in integration. This does not mean that the government is giving resources to migrants as a form of welfare, but rather as an investment by the community in migrants to integrate them into Australian society in the short term, so that they can contribute to Australian society as soon as possible. Such a policy would bring positive returns to the community, and would enable the migration program to maximize the social contribution of the elite settling in Australia.

Another group that has been neglected for a long time is those who were born and raised in the mainstream society. The government should also provide opportunities for them to develop through exposure to multiculturalism. For example, many traditional churches in Australia have been unable to absorb multicultural Christians and have eventually shrunk or even closed down. This is the result of not being able to keep up with the societal changes.

The unwritten expectation of Australian society has always been that newcomers will become mainstream Australians. I believe this is impossible. The challenge for Australia today is for all Australians, immigrants and native Australians (including Aboriginal Australians), to transform and integrate into modern Australians.

 

Mr. Raymond Chow

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Chinese Aboriginals – A History that may Precede Captain Cook

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Last Friday, a book launch at the University of Melbourne’s AsiaLink Sidney Myer Centre brought out a powerful message. The Aboriginal people who have lived in Australia for more than 60,000 years are not just modern-day ‘living fossils’. Throughout their history, they have had contact with islanders from the South Pacific and explorers from Japan and East Asia in search of a better life, and they have been a part of Aboriginal culture. Mr. Zhou Xiaoping, an artist living amongst the Aboriginal people, compiled “Our Story: Aboriginal Chinese People in Australit” to introduce Aboriginal Chinese to Australians. Mr. Zhou’s research is now on display at the National Museum in Canberra, and through the book, “Our Stories”, some of the voices of Aboriginal Chinese are being presented to the Australian community.

 

Forgotten Chinese

In recent years, the voices of the Chinese community have started to be heard in Australia’s multicultural society. Concerns have been raised about the welfare of first-generation Chinese elders, as well as the education of their children and their lives. However, there is a group of Chinese who have long been forgotten, not only by the Chinese or the mainstream community, but also by themselves who have had little contact with other Chinese immigrants: they are the Chinese Aboriginal people, whose identity was often forgotten by the society until recently.

It is only in recent years, with the efforts of scholars, artists and community workers, that this hidden part of history has begun to emerge. One such artist is Chinese-Australian artist Zhou Xiaoping. Recently, he and his team have interviewed this group of mixed-race descendants of Chinese and Aboriginal people who are living among the Aboriginal community to tell their own stories through an exhibition and a book, “Our Stories”, to bring the existence of Aboriginal Chinese into the public eye again.

For Chinese immigrants who have settled in Australia in recent years, or who have been living in the mainstream Australian society since the Gold Rush era, it may never have occurred to us that some of the Aboriginal people, who have a history of 60,000 years and are regarded as the “living fossils” of the modern age, have Chinese cultural heritage since the Gold Rush era. Some Aboriginal leaders even believe that the contact between Chinese and Aboriginal people predates the British declaration of Australia as an uninhabited land. If contact between the Chinese and the Aborigines had been established earlier, then the Aborigines would not be the “living fossils” that the British claimed they were.

 

Who are the Aboriginal Chinese?

For many newcomers, the first impression of Australia is of a white-dominated, English-speaking society with a colonial past. But the cultural roots of this land are much more complex than that. Aboriginal communities have lived here for tens of thousands of years, and these communities are widely dispersed, with more than 250 language groups, each with their own unique language, culture and lifestyle. They have a deep connection to the land. Aboriginal people do not have the concept of private property, nor do they settle along rivers like other ancient peoples. Instead, they lived in groups, roamed the same area, and made their living by picking natural plants or simply growing them. They believed that people did not own the land, but belonged to it, and were “custodians of the land”, representing it and welcoming others to share its produce. This is why Aboriginal people are often invited to lead welcoming ceremonies at major events in Australia today.

Before the Gold Rush, as early as the 1840s, contract laborers from Xiamen, China, arrived in Australia to work as sheepherders to fill the demand for labor. They did not live in the big cities, even Melbourne was not yet developed. These Chinese sheep herders were scattered around the countryside on farms. Later, the gold rush that swept through Australia, and the establishment of New Gold Mountain in Victoria, attracted more Chinese immigrants to settle in places like Ballarat to participate in gold mining.

Initially, Aboriginal attitudes towards Asian immigrants were the same as those towards European colonizers – they were all foreigners, strangers entering a traditional territory. Interaction was limited by language and cultural differences. However, under colonial expansion and the White Australia Policy, both Aboriginal and Chinese were discriminated against and ostracized, and this common situation unexpectedly brought them closer together.

As the Aboriginal system of closed marriages was destroyed, some Chinese began to intermarry with Aboriginal people to form families, resulting in the birth of Aboriginal descendants of Chinese descent. Their stories are testimonies of how they have crossed cultural boundaries and traumatized by history.

 

Journey to the Roots: From Confusion to Recognition

In Our Stories, a book curated by Zhou Xiaoping, a number of Aboriginal Chinese descendants are interviewed. In Our Stories, Zhou interviewed a number of Aboriginal Chinese descendants who have pieced together their roots through the memories of their grandparents, family legends and historical archives. Some grew up wondering why they looked different from other Aboriginal people, until one day they asked, “Why do I look different? This began the journey of finding their roots.

“I don’t know how to explain who I am because I don’t know myself,” said one respondent.  It was only through oral family narratives and self-study that he slowly came to understand his cultural and historical origins.

Broome, a small town of 14,000 people in the far north of Western Australia, has been a center of multiculturalism since the 19th century. Chinatown, in the heart of the city, is a symbol of this multiculturalism. Its history dates back to the end of the 19th century, when Broome quickly became the center of the pearl industry due to the abundance of shells, attracting migrants from China and Japan to work in the pearl mining industry. In today’s cemetery in Broome, there are more than 900 graves of settlers from Japan. Not only Chinese and Japanese, Broome was also a place where Malays, Pacific Islanders, Filipinos and others came to settle. Broome was not affected by the “White Australia Policy” of the time, as its bead mining industry relied heavily on the skills of Asian divers.

These Asian immigrants lived mainly in what came to be known as ‘Chinatown’, alongside the local Aboriginal Yawuru community. The architecture of Chinatown at the time was unique, blending Asian architectural features with the local climate, resulting in sturdy corrugated iron buildings with reddish-green beams and columns, a fusion of East and West.

One respondent said, “Broome is a place where people know that we can live together from different countries”. These words are a testament to the reality of the history of the Broome.

 

Chinese immigrants and ‘custodians of the land’

Aboriginal Australians do not see themselves as ‘landowners’, but as custodians of the land. Their culture is so closely tied to the land that even today, when most of them live in modern cities, they continue to carry on their traditions in different ways.

In various public settings, “Welcome to Country” or “Acknowledgement of Country” have become commonplace. These ceremonies remind us that this land belongs first and foremost to the Aboriginal people, and that this recognition is not only a ritual, but also a form of revision and respect for history.

However, on this year’s ANZAC Day, when former Opposition Leader Dutton openly objected to the ‘welcoming ceremony’, it once again triggered a discussion on historical memory and respect. What is the minimum respect for the past? Who is qualified to define “Australian”?

Since the end of the White Australia Policy in 1973, Australia has re-admitted migrants from different countries, but there are still many Australians who have yet to embrace multiculturalism. There has been a rapid growth in Chinese migrants from China, Hong Kong, Taiwan and Southeast Asia. In practice, however, many migrant families face the tensions of cultural identity: first-generation immigrants struggling to establish themselves in a foreign land, with language and cultural barriers, but still wanting to pass on their culture to the next generation. Their children, on the other hand, have grown up in a Western educational system and are often caught between two values: being seen as outsiders and being expected to be a ‘model minority’. How can outsiders be accepted and integrated by the indigenous people?

Against this backdrop, the stories of the indigenous Chinese provide a different perspective. Their experience is even more complex: they are both Chinese and Aboriginal, but often not fully accepted by either. They are not only the absentees of history, but also the victims of institutionalized forgetfulness. In Our Story, however, they speak of the complexity, or rather the diversity, of their identities, but also of the protection of their land, and perhaps this is one of the things that immigrants need to learn. Perhaps this is the point that immigrants need to learn.

 

Earlier than Captain Cook

The keynote speaker at the book launch of Our Story was Melbourne University anthropologist and geographer Professor Marcia Langton. Langton, 74, is not only a distinguished scholar, but also a renowned author and Aboriginal rights advocate, a Queenslander of Yiman and Bidjara Aboriginal descent, who traveled around Australia as a schoolboy, worked hard to become a scholar, and has been a longtime campaigner for Aboriginal rights. Langton said that Australians have always thought that Aboriginal culture is old and outdated and cannot keep up with modern society, but they have never thought that Aboriginal people have had contact with other ethnic groups in the past tens of thousands of years before the white people came to Australia.

Langton believes that a deeper study of Aboriginal culture can reveal Australia’s most multicultural traditions, and that Aboriginal culture is the starting point of a multicultural Australia.

 

Multiculturalism is more than superficial

Australia has been a multicultural nation since the 1970s. From the implementation of multiculturalism policies since the 1970s, to the release of the Multiculturalism Framework Review report in late July 2024, it has been emphasized that multiculturalism is at the heart of the nation’s social structure, and that the freedom of language, religion and cultural practices of different ethnic groups must be guaranteed in law. However, this kind of pluralism sometimes remains on the surface. Every year during the Lunar New Year, dragon and lion dances and Chinese art are used to decorate public institutions. This kind of ritual becomes a symbol of political correctness, but it does not help to truly understand and respect cultural differences. The structural problems of poverty, lack of education and health resources for Aboriginals, and the discrimination and misunderstanding of the Chinese community in the mainstream media are still deeply rooted in the non-European white community, resulting in the phenomenon of so-called ‘depoliticized multiculturalism’.

Such multiculturalism maintains a consumerist cultural identity, but does not truly deconstruct the white-centered social structure. The existence of Aboriginal Chinese is a challenge to this institutionalized forgetfulness. Excluded from the mainstream Chinese narrative and not included in Aboriginal or colonial history, they are ghosts of history. If we do not face up to this past, contemporary multiculturalism will only remain superficial and will not be able to promote real social integration.

Therefore, true cultural integration does not only require minority groups to give up their ego to cater to the mainstream, but also allows each identity to be seen, understood and respected. Just as Zhou Xiaoping has brought Aboriginal culture to Chinese communities in China and Australia through his art, he has also brought Chinese culture into the Aboriginal world. His action is not just an art exhibition, but a starting point for cross-cultural dialogues.

Listening to one more story and recognizing one more piece of history is the first step to dismantle prejudices and gaps.

For many Chinese, their knowledge of Aboriginal people is still limited, even in the form of travel guides or media stereotypes. But when we begin to understand that those who are Chinese, but not like us, are also a mix of Aboriginal people, and how they live with people of different nationalities in their communities, we realize that multiculturalism in Australia is not a product of policy, but a reality that has existed for a long time in the depths of history.

As one of the interviewees in Our Stories says, “My ancestors came here a hundred years ago, and although we’ve been unspoken of for a long time, we’ve never forgotten who we are”. Such voices remind us that identity is not a single lineage or language, but a weave of histories, memories and experiences.

These are the stories that will help us understand what it means to be ‘Australian’ again, and that will open up more possibilities for imagining Australia’s future.

 

Article/Editorial Department, Sameway Magazine

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Investing in an integrating InterCultural Society

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The Australian Bureau of Statistics recently released data showing that 31.5% of Australia’s population are immigrants born outside of Australia. Excluding about 6% who came from the UK and New Zealand, this means that over 25% are from countries not governed by democratic regimes. In the recent Australian federal election, the combined vote share of the Liberal and Labor parties continued to decline. In many marginal seats, the affiliation of multicultural communities with political parties determined the election outcome. This shows that immigrants who were not born in Australia now play an important role in Australian politics.

Research from both major parties shows that immigrant communities tend to support the Labor Party. The reason is clear: Labor’s policies lean toward promoting multicultural development and establishing closer relationships with leaders of immigrant communities, these had made strong impacts. Labor is more accepting of the fact that immigrants need assistance when starting a new life in Australia, and immigrant communities are also more proactive in seeking support from Labor. If the Liberal Party ignores this reality and does not make adjustments, it will find it increasingly difficult to promote its ideals within immigrant communities in the future—losing ground is almost inevitable.

Objectively speaking, not many immigrants pay close attention to party ideologies or political platforms. In fact, these 25% of immigrants often had little political power or opportunities for political participation in their countries of origin. After becoming Australian citizens, they know they are required to vote as part of their civic duties and rights, but Australian society has never taught them how to choose or how to cast their sacred vote.

We must understand that today’s world has become a knowledge-based society. When students enter the university or new members join a company, orientation and workplace cultural integration are important. If new immigrants—many of whom grew up in authoritarian countries—are not given exposures in democratic processes, it is extremely dangerous and could even increase the risk of societal disintegration. Without promoting democratic engagement and integration into Australian society through ethnic minority media, and allowing immigrants to remain under the influence of their original homeland’s media, the outcome is to slow down their integration into Australia, which is extremely detrimental to Australia’s long-term social development.

Today’s immigrants, especially Chinese immigrants, are generally highly educated. When they come to Australia, they have the potential to quickly become a driving force for Australia’s social and economic development. If Australia promotes integrating interculturalism—actively leveraging the international visions and homeland connections of new immigrants as to develop its service industries and to enhance global export—it can further stimulate economic growth.

It is time for Australian society to “modernize”: not only by attracting talented individuals from around the world who can contribute to society, but also by providing more support to immigrants so they can become pillars of societal development. This support is not about giving special welfare benefits (honestly, the proportion of such immigrants who rely on social welfare is not high), but rather an instant investment in their social integration—one that no political party can afford to ignore.

 

Mr. Raymond Chow, the Publisher of Sameway Magazine

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