Hong Kong’s Cantonese conservation organization, the Societas Linguistica Hongkongensis (SLHK), decided to dissolve and suspend its operations after the Hong Kong government announced last month that it had requested the removal of an essay from its 2020 essay competition that was suspected of violating Hong Kong’s National Security Law. Andrew Chan, chairman of the SLHK who is overseas, said that his family members in Hong Kong had been searched by the police. The preservation of Cantonese is not a political issue, but it is being attacked again. Hong Kong’s once stable society and rule of law are now on the verge of collapse.

An old essay triggers storm

Societas Linguistica Hongkongensis (SLHK) is a non-governmental organization (NGO) established in Hong Kong in 2013. It was started by a group of university students who saw the need to set up an organization to focus on the continued role of Cantonese in Hong Kong’s education system in light of the government’s initiative to promote the teaching and learning of Putonghua. Since its establishment, the SLHK has been committed to “safeguarding Hong Kong people’s language – Cantonese, orthographic characters, and the local culture inherited from them”. Various activities have been organized to promote the use of Cantonese in learning, and have received support from teachers and the tertiary education sector. The purpose of the essay competition is to educate the community on the importance of Cantonese as a learning language. It can be said that when the SLHK was first established, its focus was more on education and professionalism, and was not directly related to social politics. This can also be seen from the fact that the activities of the SLHK have always been funded by government departments, and that it has collaborated with language education professional organizations in various aspects.

The essay competition for the novel in question was held in June 2020, and the results were announced on 30 November. In July 2020, the Hong Kong National Security Law would come into effect. In July this year, the Hong Kong police announced a reward of HK$1 million each for eight well-known Hong Kong pro-democracy activists in exile, accusing them of allegedly violating the National Security Law, and their relatives still in Hong Kong have been repeatedly taken away by the Hong Kong police for questioning. All of a sudden, there was a great deal of panic.

At this time, the Hong Kong government has used “suppression” to raise the concern that “Hong Kong will become the second Guangzhou” and the Cantonese language may disappear. Andrew emphasized that since 2020, the community activities and organization of the SLHK have been under his sole operation. At present, the affairs of the Institute, its daily operation, social networking platform and website are all run by him alone, and he has no connection with his family members, any titled members, or any people in Hong Kong. Even so, the State Security Department has not let his family in Hong Kong off the hook – it’s a real pain in the ass to swoop in without a warrant to look for him.

The competition, which was funded by the Central and Western District Council of Hong Kong in 2020, was originally intended to produce an anthology of the 18 selected entries, but was blocked by the Home Affairs Department (HAD), which named 11 of the entries, including “Our Time”, as “involving foul language, controversial, misleading and disturbing, or affecting the harmony of the community”, and threatened to stop the funding. However, this incident was only targeted at “Our Time”. The contributor of the novel, writing under a pen name, tells the story of a man who returned to his birthplace of Hong Kong in 2050 after emigrating from the UK with his parents, only to find that most Hong Kong people no longer speak Cantonese, and that his parents’ health deteriorated due to the inhalation of too much Chinese-made tear gas. At the same time, the government changed the names of places and suppressed religious freedom in order to eliminate the colonial element. At the end of the article, the late Czech writer Milan Kundera was quoted as saying, “The struggle between man and power is the struggle between memory and forgetfulness”.

According to the National Security Bureau, the Central and Western District Office of Hong Kong had contacted Andrew Chan several times without success, and decided to take action by requesting him to take down the novels that violated the National Security Law, but Andrew Chan checked his email records and did not find any notification from the District Office requesting him to take down the articles. The suspension of SLHK is undoubtedly the latest example of the Hong Kong government’s infringement on the freedom of speech.

No room for survival once labelled

In December 2020, the SLHK submitted the first draft of an anthology of articles for the Call for Papers project. Subsequently, the District Office informed the SLHK that some of the articles submitted involved foul language, contained controversial, misleading and disturbing elements, or affected community harmony, which were not the original intent and purpose of the campaign, and had repeatedly asked the SLHK to account for how to follow up and rectify the situation through letters and emails, but the SLHK had only made a small number of revisions. The essay “Our Time” does not contain any element of “Hong Kong independence”, but is mainly an expression of feelings. Andrew Chan had called the National Security Bureau to inquire about the matter, and was told that after consulting the Department of Justice, it was said that the article had violated the National Security Law, but he was not told specifically which section of the law it violated.

Andrew Chan, a graduate of the Hong Kong Baptist University (HKBU), mobilized a rally in 2018 to protest against HKBU’s mandatory Putonghua graduation examination, and was later forced to stop his internship when he was “uncovered” by the party media Global Times while studying in Guangdong. Since then, he and the SLHK have been labeled as “Hong Kong Independents” by the pro-Beijing camp in Hong Kong. Once this label is attached, it is very difficult to get rid of it, and when applying for community funding in 2020, some pro-establishment organizations labeled the SLHK as a radical and anti-China group. In today’s Hong Kong, any issue or advocacy in support of local culture can easily be labeled as “Hong Kong independence”, and Cantonese has become a target. For example, the SLHK’s advocacy against the mandatory use of Putonghua has already been categorized by the government as seditious, subversive, or secessionist behavior.

Nowadays, it seems that the opposition to the policy of replacing Cantonese with Putonghua and the promotion of cultural activities in Cantonese are all dangerous. …… is no longer a direct reference to the slogans of the “Hong Kong Independence” or the “Times Revolution” campaigns, but rather, some of the literary creations, or issues that are not directly related to Hong Kong’s social movement, can be regarded as evidence of anti-national security. One cannot help but ponder whether it is still safe to engage in literature and creative writing in Hong Kong.

“In 2014, the Hong Kong Education Bureau apologized for the statement that “Cantonese is not an official language”, but nowadays it is very difficult for the public to influence the government’s thinking, and even if we want to keep the Chinese language test, it is still unsuccessful. Even peaceful and rational advocacy is considered to be suppressed by “Hong Kong independence”. In less than a decade, the world has changed.

Cantonese is used globally

To regard Cantonese as the language of Hong Kong, and to ignore the fact that it is commonly used all over the world, is obviously a blind spot of SLHK. It is true that to the people of Hong Kong before 1997, Cantonese was the language of Hong Kong. However, if you think about it, there are many Chinese in many Southeast Asian countries, including Vietnam, Thailand, Cambodia, Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, Australia, New Zealand, the United States, Europe, etc., who speak Cantonese. It is estimated that there are tens of millions of Cantonese speakers outside of China. The people of Hong Kong have made the “privatization” of Cantonese a matter of concern for the continuity of the Hong Kong language, and have failed to see that the continuity of Cantonese is more likely to be a language that can be preserved throughout the world.

In Australia, Cantonese is a community language recognized by all levels of governments, and is taught in community language schools in all major cities. In Victoria, there has been an initiative to establish a Cantonese as a second language course in the VCE. Australia is a country that respects multiculturalism. Regardless of whether Cantonese is considered the official language of the country in China, as long as there are people here who continue to speak this language, it is worth preserving and learning.

The Hong Kong government has the right to decide on the use of “Hong Kong dialect”. But the continued promotion of Cantonese is the right and responsibility of Cantonese speakers around the world. However, in Hong Kong today, the promotion of Cantonese has become a political agenda.

Hong Kong in the era of national security

In recent years, the survival of Cantonese in Hong Kong has been threatened, most notably by the use of Putonghua as a substitute for Cantonese in the teaching of Chinese language in many schools. Andrew says that the SLHK has contributed to the preservation of the Cantonese language over the past 10 years, but that Hong Kong is no longer a suitable place to run a similar organization. For his own safety, he will not return to Hong Kong in the near future. In the foreseeable future, the preservation of Cantonese will be regarded as a threat to national security, and Cantonese will be gradually marginalized in Hong Kong, following the footsteps of Guangzhou.

“Established in 2013 and registered as a social organization with the approval of the Hong Kong Police Force, the SLHK aims to “defend the language rights of Hong Kong people” and has organized a number of mother-tongue cultural activities in Hong Kong, defending Hong Kong people’s mother-tongue during major language crises, including the Education Bureau’s decision to classify Cantonese as a non-statutory language, the cancellation by the HKEAA of the Chinese Language Oral Examination, and the policy of “universal education for all” by the former Secretary of the HKSAR Government Ms. Linda TSAI, and has helped to expose the sale of secondary school public examination results in the “Little Red Book” recently. The “Hong Kong version of the National Security Law” has obviously created a chilling effect, as the SLHK, which is not intended to “engage in politics”, has already been recognized as illegal and has been cracked down.

In the three years since the implementation of the “Hong Kong version of the National Security Law”, Hong Kong has undergone structural changes – political instability and the suppression of news and information have had a significant impact on Hong Kong’s freedom, democracy, and even the economy and finance. The rapid changes in recent years have made it impossible for Hong Kong to return to the free and pluralistic lifestyle it used to be so proud of. Before the introduction of the Hong Kong version of the National Security Law, Hong Kong was known for its high degree of autonomy and civil liberties. Now, three years later, the society has changed drastically. Those who work as journalists have lost their media, those who draw comics have no platform, those who want to engage in politics have no right to participate in politics, those who fight for freedom for the people have lost their freedom first, and those who have made this city their home have no home to go back to.

After the implementation of the “National Security Law in Hong Kong”, the atmosphere in Hong Kong has changed drastically, and the taboo of the public has become more and more, and many people no longer express their opinions on social platforms. However, the question of “where is the red line” still remains in many people’s minds. Hong Kong is losing the checks and balances of power and democratic guardrails that it once had, and replacing them with more top-down control networks. Hong Kong residents have lost most of their freedoms, and people have to worry that any form of protest could be criminalized. What is left of a Hong Kong where everyone is at risk?

How are overseas Chinese responding?

There are Chinese people living in every country in the world, and the Cantonese-speaking areas of southern China are the main source of overseas Chinese, thus creating a situation where Cantonese is still important outside of China today. Many Chinese publications in these countries are still published in traditional Chinese characters, and Cantonese speakers still play an important role. Chinese nationals living in countries where English is the national language, and where the goal is to unite the Chinese majority, tend to accept different dialects, so both Cantonese and Putonghua are accepted. Some of the articles in this magazine use Cantonese vocabulary and expressions, which are understandable to most readers without major communication difficulties.

Some people think that it is a policy imposed by China, while others think that it is a sign that Hong Kong officials are pandering to the top. However, there is still plenty of room for individuals and communities to choose to speak, write and use Cantonese more often.

In the past, Hong Kong has played an important role in the preservation and promotion of Cantonese, but I believe that as more Hong Kong people are dispersed around the world, if “Hong Kong Language” is complemented by the Chinese communities that are already speaking Cantonese in various countries, it is very likely to add a new impetus to the promotion of Cantonese, and I believe that this is also an opportunity to promote Cantonese.

Note: As the article “Our Time” has become a global news story, the editorial team read the 2,000-word article carefully, but could not make any connection between the article and China’s national security. In order to avoid any more literal inquisition in Chinese history, we have obtained the consent of Mr. Andrew Chan, the former head of “Hong Kong Studies in Chinese”, who is believed to be the copyright holder of this article, to publish the full text of the article in this magazine, so that the public can debate on the aspects of this article that may have violated the national security law of Hong Kong. This article is published in this magazine for public debate, so that the public will know where the red line is. The publication of this article does not imply that we endorse, support or oppose the position of this article, nor do we intend to incite hatred, dissatisfaction or hostility towards any government or other community.

Article/Editorial

Photo/Internet

Our Time

(by Xiao Jia)

Editor’s Note: In this issue, we are discussing the article “Our Time”, and the editorial team is unable to understand which part of the article would make the Hong Kong National Security Agency suspect that it would cause national security problems. Since the original article has been taken down from the website, we have obtained the consent of the person in charge of the original organization to publish the original article in this magazine, hoping that Australian readers can make their own judgment on whether the content of the article will cause some national security problems. The publication of this article does not imply any endorsement, support or opposition to its position, nor is it intended to incite hatred, dissatisfaction or hostility towards any government or other community.

 

Kwong Chai

“No, I don’t think so! Where is Queen’s Road Central?” Kwong asked a teenage girl.

“I don’t know!” The girl said, “I don’t know!” and walked away.

Frowning, Kwong continued to walk, looking at his notebook and the crowded Central.

After a while, a woman tapped her on the shoulder and asked gently, “Is there anything I can do to help you?

This girl was very different from the first one.

“No, I’m looking for the escalator halfway up the hill.”

“Can I take you? You can call me Sze.” The girl replied with a smile.

“My name is Kwong.”

It was at this moment that Kwong got a good look at Sze. She should be in her early twenties, her skin is white and red, and her smile is so charming.

“Yes, where do you want to go, Kwong?”

“I want to go back to the places my parents used to go, one of them is the Mosque on Shelly Street.”

“I know where the mosque is! I’m on vacation today, I want to go around, why don’t we go together?”

Of course!

Many tourists wearing cheongsams take photos there.

It was just like what was written in the notebook. Kwong thought to himself.

After passing Elgin Street, there were fewer tourists. The two of them kept moving towards the mid-levels.

“After the Caine Road, along the escalator, there is a Rednalexa Terrace terrace on the right hand side, opposite to the light green mosque.” Kwong read from his notebook.

The two of them were on the Rednalexa Terrace, looking in the direction of the escalator.The mosque is at the back of the escalator.

Some people think that the name “Rednalexa Terrace” was changed from “Alexander Terrace” to “Rednalexa Terrace” because Chinese translators used to write from right to left when Hong Kong was a British colony.”It’s such a weird street name.”Kwong said excitedly.

“But some research shows that it was named in honor of Robert Alexander Young, who defended the human rights of the African people in the 19th century, and who called people living outside of Africa “Rednaxela”.”The poem adds.

There were guards at the entrance to the mosque, but they did not prevent the two of them from entering.

“In the early years of Hong Kong’s history, the British government recruited military and police officers from India, a British colony at the time, and some of them were Muslims. The mosque in Soho was the first mosque in Hong Kong,” says Kwong.  Kwong was talking at great length.

Walking up the stairs, some worshippers were washing their hands by the side of the mosque, some were removing their shoes and going to the mosque, and some were teaching their children to recite sutras in the open space next to the mosque.

As stated in the front of the notebook, the center niche of the temple is the place for the Elders to recite sutras. The domed design creates a natural sound amplifier, so that the chanting can reach every corner without the use of microphones.

On the last page of the notebook, it is written: In the same community, apart from Hong Kong people, there are many different minorities who belong to this community. We need to get to know the place that belongs to us.

Kwong asked Sze, “I have other places I want to go, will you go there together?

Siu Sze

“It’s already 2050! There are still people who don’t speak Putonghua!

Sze heard a passing girl talking to herself.

It was a rare day off, so Sze planned to go to a coffee shop in Central to read books and drink coffee.

Passing by the Central Market, Sze saw a man in his late 20s, with a small beard and a matured look. The man was not a local at first sight, and was carrying a notebook and a DSLR camera. He is in the Central Market, and when he tries to walk, he retraces his steps.

There are a lot of tourists in Central, but most of them are dragging their clothes around in front of different cosmetic shops. Few of them look like the man in front of me. Driven by curiosity, I saw if there was anything I could do to help him.

The man introduced himself as Kwong, born in Hong Kong and raised in England. His mom and dad had gone away after he was born and never came back.

Sze led Kwong into the Central Market, across the footbridge to the start of the escalator.

Sze pointed to the street below the footbridge and said to Kwong, “This street is called ‘People’s Middle Road’, which was renamed 25 years ago, and the younger generation doesn’t even know its original name.

When he arrived at the Rednalexa Terrace, Kwong’s eyes were glowing and he said, “I have heard these stories for many years, and my parents have never allowed me to come to Hong Kong. My parents never wanted me to come to Hong Kong. They inhaled too much Chinese tear gas when they were born, and their health deteriorated and they died a year ago. I found this notebook among their belongings, and I have listened to their stories about Hong Kong since I was a child. They always said Hong Kong is so beautiful and special. They really love Hong Kong. I think I don’t even know why they want to leave.”

Sze did not tell Kwong that the mosque would be renamed in a few months’ time, as the government felt it was too colonial.

The two guards at the entrance of the mosque were watching them, probably hearing Kwong talk about a history they didn’t recognize. Kwong should be too excited to see them.

In 2025, the government is going to suppress freedom of religion, and all Catholic, Protestant and Muslim places of worship will be controlled. All believers will be required to join patriotic churches, and churches will be demolished if they are unwilling and disobedient. The good thing is that the mosque is a Class II historical relic, so it can be preserved first. Many people don’t know there is a mosque in SoHo because it is no longer a place for Muslims.

They are all patriotic, the children read the revised Koran and they don’t learn Arabic anymore, only Chinese. Their culture is slowly fading away and becoming extinct, just like Hong Kong 30 years ago.

Before saying goodbye to Kwong, Sze told him, “I haven’t seen locals so familiar with Hong Kong’s stories. We live in a city where every street and every building around us has its own story. If more people like your parents had remembered these stories 30 years ago, Hong Kong might not have become such a migrant city. You are more qualified than any of us to be a Hong Kong citizen.” He speaks very softly about Hong Kong people, so he is afraid that other people will hear him.

Sze gave her a book to Kwong. There is a line in the poem that I like very much.

“The struggle between people and totalitarianism is the struggle between memory and forgetfulness.”